"My astonishment at the folly of his opinions," he said, “is lost in indignation at the baseness of his conduct." Grenville agreed with him that the order, requiring the Massachusetts assembly to rescind a vote under a penalty, was illegal and unconstitutional. "I wish the stamp act had never been passed," said Barrington; "but the Americans are traitors against the legislature. The troops are to bring rioters to justice." Wedderburn, who at that moment belonged to himself, and spoke in opposition to enhance his price, declaimed against governing by files of musketeers; and he, too, condemned the ministerial mandate as illegal. "Though it were considered wiser," said Rigby, "to alter the American tax than to continue it, I would not alter it so long as the colony of the Massachusetts Bay continues in its present state." "Let the nation return to its old good nature and its old good humor," were the words of Alderman Beckford, whom nobody minded, and who spoke more wisely than they all; "it were best to repeal the late act, and conciliate the colonies by moderation and kindness."

1768. Nov.

Lord North made reply: "America must fear you, before she can love you. If America is to be the judge, you may tax in no instance, you may regulate in no instance. We shall go through our plan, now that we have brought it so near success. I am against repealing the last act of parlia ment, securing to us a revenue out of America; I will never think of repealing it, until I see America prostrate at my feet." The irrevocable words spoke the feeling of parliament. The address was carried in the commons without a division; the peers seemed unanimous; and scarcely more than five or six in both houses defended the Americans from principle. Everybody expected "the chastisement of Boston."

But the employment of soldiery failed from the beginning. There were, on the tenth of November, more than four regiments in Boston; what could be given them to do? They had been sent over to bring "to justice " those whom Barrington called "rioters," whom the king described as "turbulent and mischievous persons." But, after long con

sideration, De Grey and Dunning, the attorney and solicitor general, joined in the opinion that the statute of the thirty-fifth of Henry VIII. was the only one by which criminals could be tried in England for offences committed in America; that its provisions extended only to treasons; and that there was no sufficient ground to fix the charge of high treason upon any persons named in the papers laid before them. The troops found no rebellion at Boston; could they make one? They found a town of which the merchants refused to import goods of British manufacture, or to buy tea brought by way of Great Britain. How could armed men change this disposition? Massachusetts would not even pay for their quarters, because they had not been quartered according to law; so that they were left to parade up and down the streets at the cost of the British exchequer, sharpening the sullen discontent of the townsmen. "No force on earth," wrote the governor of New Jersey, "is sufficient to make the assemblies acknowledge, by any act of theirs, that the parliament has a right to impose taxes on America."

1768.

Nov.

Each American assembly, as it came together, denied that right, and imbodied its denial in petitions to the king. The king, instead of hearing the petitions, disapproved and rejected them; Virginia was soothingly reprimanded; Pennsylvania, whose loyalty had but a fortnight before been confidently extolled by Hillsborough; Rhode Island, whose reverence for the laws he had officially set forth; Connecticut, which had combined loyalty with love of its liberties; Maryland, which acted strictly in conformity to law in refusing to be overawed by a secretary's letter,- received, as their answer, copies of the addresses of parliament, and assurances that "wicked men," who questioned the supreme authority of that body, would not be listened to.

The governor of South Carolina invited its assembly to treat the letters of Massachusetts and Virginia "with the contempt they deserved;" a committee, composed of Parsons, Gadsden, Pinkney, Lloyd, Lynch, Laurens, Rutledge, Elliott, and Dart, reported them to be "founded upon undeniable, constitutional principles;" and the house, sit

1768. Nov.

ting with its doors locked, unanimously directed its speaker to signify to both provinces its entire approbation. The governor, that same evening, dissolved the assembly by beat of drum ; but the general toast at Charleston remained, "The UNANIMOUS TWENTY-SIX, who would not rescind from the Massachusetts circular." The assembly of New York was also in session, fully resolved to go beyond the common example; and Hillsborough, who expressed his confidence that his letters and the king's firmness would "bring back the misled colonists to a just sense of their duty," only opened the way to a new complaint from the colonies, that the king would not even receive their petitions.

The refusal of America to draw supplies from England was an invitation to other powers to devise the means of sharing her commerce; the three secretaries of state were therefore called upon to issue orders to the ministers, consuls, and agents of the British government in the ports of Europe, Madeira, and the Azores, to watch the coming in of an American ship or the sailing of any ship for the continent of America. The navigation acts, of which the total repeal would have increased the trade of the colonies with their mother country, reduced England to playing the humble and helpless part of a spy in the harbors of independent nations.

"Can the ministry reduce the colonies?" asked Du Châtelet. "Of what avail is an army in so vast a country? The Americans have made these reflections, and they will not give way."

"To the menace of rigor," replied Choiseul, "they will never give way, except in appearance and for a time. The fire will be but imperfectly extinguished, unless other means than those of force conciliate the interests of the metropolis and its colonies. The Americans will not lose out of view their rights and privileges; and, next to fanaticism for religion, the fanaticism for liberty is the most daring in its measures and the most dangerous in its consequences."

The simplest mode of taking part with the colonists was by a commerce of the French and Spanish colonies with

the British colonies on the continent of North America; and on this subject Choiseul sent to Du Châtelet an elaborate digest of all the materials he had collected. But the simple-hearted king of Spain, though he enjoyed the perplexity of the natural enemy of the two crowns, was glad of more time to prepare for contingent events, and showed no disposition to interfere.

"What a pity," resumed Du Châtelet to Choiseul, “that neither Spain nor France is in a condition to take advantage of so critical a conjuncture, and that we must regard it as a passive benefit. The moment is not yet come, and precipitate measures on our part might reconcile the colonies to the metropolis. But, if the quarrel goes on, a thousand opportunities cannot fail to offer, of which decisive advantage may be taken. The objects presented to you, to the king, and to his council, demand the most profound combinations, the most inviolable secrecy. A plan which shall be applicable to every circumstance of change should be concerted in advance with Spain."

At the same time, Du Châtelet studied intercolonial commerce; and obtained the opinions of the American agents, particularly of Franklin, whom he described as "upright and enlightened, one of the wisest and most sagacious men that could be found in any country." The agents had separately waited on Lord HillsOn the sixth of December, he commuborough. nicated to them in a body the result of a cabinet

1768.

Dec.

council: "Administration will enforce the authority of the legislature of Great Britain over the colonies in the most effectual manner, but with moderation and lenity. All the petitions we have received are very offensive, for they contain a denial of the authority of parliament. We have no fondness for the acts complained of; particularly, the late duty act is so anti-commercial that I wish it had never existed; and it would certainly have been repealed, had the colonies said nothing about it, or petitioned against it only on the ground of its expediency: but the principle you proceed upon extends to all laws; and we cannot therefore think of repealing it, at least this

session of parliament, or until the colonies shall have dropped the point of right. Nor can the conduct of the people of Boston pass without a severe censure." very long discussion ensued; but he was inflexible.

A

The attention of parliament was to be confined to the colony of the Massachusetts Bay; Beckford and Trecothick, as friends to America, demanded rather such general inquiry as might lead to measures of relief. "The question of taxation is not before us," interposed Lord North; "but the question is, whether we are to lay a tax one year, when America is at peace, and take it off the next, when America is in arms against us. The repeal of the act would spread an alarm, as if we did it from fear. The encouragement it would give our enemies, and the discouragement it would give our friends, bind us not to take that question into consideration again." He therefore demanded the expres sion of the united opinion of Great Britain, so that Boston might be awed into obedience.

"The Americans believe," rejoined Beckford, "that there is a settled design in this country to rule them with a military force." "I never wish for dominion, unless accompanied by the affection of the people governed," said Lord John Cavendish. "Want of knowledge, as well as want of temper," said Lord Beauchamp, "has gradually led us to the brink of a precipice, on which we look down with horror." Phipps, a captain in the army, added: "My heart will bleed for every drop of American blood that shall be shed, whilst their grievances are unredressed. I wish to see the Americans in our arms as friends, not to meet them as enemies." "Dare you not trust yourselves with a general inquiry?" asked Grenville. "How do we know, parliamentarily, that Boston is the most guilty of the colonies?" "I would have the Americans obey the laws of the country, whether they like them or not," said Lord Barrington.

1768. Dec.

Out of two hundred who were present, one hundred and twenty-seven divided with the government to confine the inquiry. The king set himself and his ministry, and parliament, and all Great Britain, to subdue to his will one