richly repay any temporary advantages, to us have none, or a very remote relation. which might be loft by a steady adherence to it? Can it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its Virtue? The experiment, at leaft, is recommended by every fentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impoffible by its vices? In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more effential than that permanent inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and paf fionare attachments for others, fhould be excluded; and that in place of them, juft and amicable feelings towards all fhould be cultivated. The nation, which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in fome degree a flave: it is a flave to its authority or to its affection, either of which is fufficient to lead it aftray from its duty and its interest. So likewife, a paffionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favourite nation, facilitating the infufion of an imaginary common intereft, in cafes where no real common intereft exifts, and infufing into one the epmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement to juftification, It leads alfo to conceffions to the favourite nation, of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the conceffions. As there are avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, fuch attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many oppor tunities do they afford to temper with do mestic factions, to practise the arts of feduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils? Such an attachment of small or weak, towards a great or powerful nation, dooms the former to be the fattellite of the latter. Against the infidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me fellow citizens) the jealoufy of a free people ought to be conftantly awake: fince hiftory and experience prove, that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of a Republican GovernBu that jealoufy to be useful must be impartial; elfe it becomes the inflrument of the very influence to be avoided, inftead of a defence against it ment The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as poffible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith-Here let us ftop. Europe has a fet of primary interefts, which Hence the must be engaged in frequent controverfies, the caufes of which are effentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwife in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary viciffitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and callifions of her friendfhip, or enmities. Our detached and diftant fituation invites and enables us to purfue a different courfe. If we remain one people, under an efficient Government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external an noyance; when we may take fuch an attitude as will caufe the neutrality we may at any time refolve upon, to be scrupulously refpected when belligerent Nations under the impoffibility of making acquifitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation, when we may choose peace or war, as our intereft, guided by justice, fhall counfel. Why forego the advantages of fo peculiar a fituation? why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and profperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, intereft, humour or caprice? 'Tis our true policy to fteer clear of permanent alliances, with any portion of the foreign world; fo far I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be underftood as capable of patronifing infidelity to exifting engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honefty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let thofe engagements be observed in their genuine fenfe. But, in my opinion, it is unneceffary and would be unwife to extend them. Taking care always to keep ourselves, by fuitable establishments, on a refpectable defenfive pofture, we may fafely truft to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. Harmony, liberal intercourfe with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and intérest. thefe in offering to you, my countrymen, councils of an old and affectionate friend, ! dare not hope they will make the strong and lafting impreffion I could wifh; that they will control the ufual current of the paffions, or prevent our nation from running the courfe which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations: But I may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of fome partial bene fit, fome occafional good; that they may now and then occur to moderate the fury of party fpirit, to warn against the mifchiefs of fo reign intrigue, to guard against the impof tors of pretended patriotifm; this hope will be a full recompence for the folicitude for your your welfare, by which they have been dictated. How far, in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct, muft witness to you and to the world. To myself, the affurance of my own confcience is, that I have at least believed myfelf to be be guided by them. In relation to the ftill fubfifting war in Europe my Proclamation of the 2d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approved voice, and by that of your Reprefentatives in both Houses of Congrefs, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me; uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it. After deliberate examination, with the aid of the beft lights I could obtain, I was well fatisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the cafe, had right to take, and was bound in duty and interest, to take a neutral pofition. Having taken it, I determined as far as fhould depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, perfeverance, and firmness. The confiderations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not neceffary on this occasion to detail. I will only obferve, that according to my understanding of the matter, that right, fo far from being denied by any of the Belligerent Powers, has been virtually admitted by all. The duty of hold ing a neutral conduct may be inferred, with out any thing more, from the obligation which juftice and humanity impofe on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations. The inducements of intereft for obferving that conduct will best be referred to your reafon and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been, to endeavour to gain time to our country to fettle and mature its yet recent inftitutions, and to advance, without interuption, to that degree of ftrength and confiftency, which is neceffary to give it, humanly fpeaking, the command of its own fortunes. Though, in reviewing the incidents of Adminiitration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am neverthelets too fenfible of my defects, not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently befeech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I fhall alfo carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its fervice, with an upright zeal, the faults of impotent abilities will be configned to oblivión, as myself muft foon be to the manfions of reft. Relying on its kindhefs in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is fo natural to a man, who views in it the native foil of himself and his progenitors for several generations; I anticipate, with pleafing expectation, that retreat, in which I promife myfelf to realife, withoug alloy, the fweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow citizens, the benign influence of good laws, under a free Government, the ever favourite object of my heart, and the happy reward, I truft, of our nutual cares, and labours, and dangers. United States, Sept. 17. STATE PAPERS. GEO. WASHINGTON, CORRESPNDENCE BETWEEN LORD MALMESBURY AND THE FRENCH MINISTER. NOTE delivered by Lord Malmesbury. THE underfigned has not failed to tranfmit to his Court the anfwer of the Executive Directory to the propofitions which he was charged to make, and which were intended to ferve as overtures to a negociation for peace. With refpect to the injurious and offenfive infinuations contained in that anfwer, and which are only fit to throw new obftacles in the way of that reconciliation which the French Government profeffes to defire, the King has thought it far beneath his dignity to allow any reply whatever to be returned on his part. The progrefs and result of the negociation will no doubt evince the principles on which it fhall have been conducted on either fide; and it is neither by reproaches, as difgufting as they are without foundation, nor by reciprocal infults, that a fincere intention is fhewn to further the work of peace. The undersigned proceeds, therefore, to the first object of difcuffion, fet forth in the answer of the Executive Directory, viz. that of a feparate negociation, to which it has, without the least foundation, fuppofed that the underligned was authorifed to accede. His credentials and powers, drawn up in the ufual form, 6A2 fully fully authorife him to negociate and conclude a peace; but they prefcribe neither the form and nature, nor the terms of the future treaty. On these points he muft, pursuant to the custom long eftablished and acknowledged, conform himself to the inftructions received from his Court; and he has confequently not failed to inform the minifter for the department of Foreign Affairs, in their very first conference, that the King, his mafter, had exprefsly enjoined him not to liften to any propofal tending to feparate the interefts of his Majefty from those of his allies. A negociation which embraces the interefts and pretenfions of all the powers who make a common caufe with the King in this prefent war, is therefore the only one which can take place. In the course of such a negociation, the intervention, or at least the participation of thefe powers, will no doubt become abfolutely neceffary; and his Majefty hopes to find at all times the fame difpofition to treat on a juft and equitable basis, of which his Majefty the Emperor and King gave the French Government fo ftriking a proof at the very opening of this campaign. a precife manner, either on the appro. bation of this principle, nor of the altera tions nor modifications which it may defire; nor has it propofed any other prin ciple tending to the fame end. The un derfigned is, therefore, ordered to re fume this fubject, and to demand on this head an open and precife declaration, in order to fhorten the delay, which mußt otherwise result from the difficulties railed by the Directory, with refpect to the form of his powers. He is authorised to add to this demand, the express declaration, that whilft his Majefty fhall acquaint his auguft allies with all his fucceffive fteps, relative to the object of this nego. ciation, and fulfil towards those sovereigns, in the most efficacious manner, every duty of a good and faithful ally, he will, at the fame time, neglect nothing on his part, both to dispose them to concur in this negociation, by all such means as are most fitted to accelerate its progrefs and enfure its fuccefs, and to preferve them in difpofitions favourable to his wifh for the return of a general peace, on juft, permanent, and honourable conditions. MALMESBURY. Paris, Nov. 12. 1796. ANSWER of the French Minifter. But to wait for a formal and definitive authority on the part of the King's alThe underfigned is charged by the lies, before Great Britain and France Executive Directory to invite you to fhould begin to difcufs, even provifion- point out diftinctly, and as foon as poffially, the principles of the negociation, ble, the objects of reciprocal compenfawould caufe, it appears, a very ufelefs tion which you have to propose. delay. A courfe widely different has been purfued by the two powers on all former occafions of the fame nature, and his Majefty is of opinion, that the beft pledge which at this moment they can give to all Europe of their mutual defire to put a period as foon as poffible to the calamities of war, would be to fettle without delay, a bafis of combined negociation, and to invite their allies to participate in it, in the manner beft calculated to accelerate a general peace. He has alfo in command to ask you, where is "the difpofition to treat on a juft and equitable bafis, of which his Majefty the Emperor and King has given the French Government fo ftrong a proof at the very moment of the opening of this campaign?"" The Executive Directory is not acquainted with it. It was the Emperor and King who broke the armistice. C. DELACROIX. Paris, 12th November. NOTE addreЛed by Lord Malmesbury to the French Minifter. The underfigned does not hesitate a moment to anfwer the two questions which you are charged to propose to him on the part of the Executive Directory. It was with this view that the underfigned had it in command to propose, at the very commencement of the negociation, a principle, which his Majefty's generofity and good faith could alone dictate to him, viz. to indemnify France, The memorial prefented this morning by proportionate reftitutions, for fuch by the undersigned, proposes, in express arrangements as fhe will confent to, in terms, on the part of his Majefty the order to fatisfy the just claims of the al- King of Great Britain, to compenfate, by lies of the King, and to preferve the po- proportionate_reftitutions, the arrange litical balance of Europe. The Execu- ments which France will have to agree tive Directory has not explained itfelf in to, in order to fatisfy the juft claims of the E the allies of the King, and to preferve the political balance of Europe. Before this principle is formally approved of, or another propofed on the part of the Executive Directory, which may equally well ferve as a bafis of the negotiation for a general peace, the underfigned cannot be authorized to point out the objects of reciprocal reftitution. As to the proof of the pacific difpofitions which his Majefty the Emperor and King teftified towards the French Government at the opening of the campaign, the undersigned confines himfelf to repeat the following paffage from the note of Baron Degelmann, of the 4th of last June: “The warlike operations fhall by no means prevent his Imperial Majefty from being conftantly difpofed to concur, according to any form of negotiation which may be adopted by the belligerent powers, in the difcuffion of fuch means as may be proper to put a period to the further effufion of human blood." SECOND LETTER from Lord Malmesbury to the French Minifler. anfwer of the Minifter for the departLord Malmesbury has just received the ment of Foreign Affairs, wherein he declares, that the official note tranfmitted to him yesterday, is to be confidered as the answer to that which Lord Malmefthe fame day. bury delivered to him on the morning of mit it to his Court. Lord Malmesbury will this day tranf Paris, the 13th November, 1796. This note was prefented after the NOTE from Lord Malmesbury, to the armiflice had been broken off. MALMESBURY. LETTER addreffed to the French Minifter, by Lord Malmesbury. The Minifter Plenipotentiary of his Britannic Majesty requests the Minister for the Department of Foreign Affairs to inform him, whether he ought to confider the official note, which he received from him laft night, as the answer to that which Lord Malmesbury delivered yesterday morning, by order of his Court, to the Minister of the Department of Foreign Affairs? He defires this explanation, that he may not retard the departure of his courier to no purpose. MALMESBURY. The Court of London, having been informed of what paffed after the receipt of the laft memorial, delivered, by their order, to the Minifter of Foreign Affairs, find that there is not any thing whatever to be added to the anfwer made by the underfigned to the two questions which the Directory thought proper to addrefs to them. They wait then, and with the greateft intereft, for an explanation of the fentiments of the Directory, with regard to the principle propofed, on their part, as the bafis of the negotiation, and the adoption of which appeared to be the beft means of accelerating the progress of a difcuffion fo important to the happiness of so many nations. The underligned has, in confequence, received orders to renew the demand of a frank and precife anfwer on this object, in order that his Court may know, with certainty, whether the Directory accepts the faid propofition? whether they defire to make any change or modifications whatever in it? or, laftly, whether they will propose any other principle that may promote the fame end? MALMESBURY. Paris, Nov. 26. 1796. ANEWER ANSWER of the French Minifter. In answer to the note delivered yefterday, November 26, by Lord Malmes bury, the undersigned Minifter for Foreign Affairs is inftructed, by the Directory, to obferve, that the answers made on the 5th and 22d of laft Brumaire, contained an acknowledgement of the principle of compenfation, and that, in order to remove every pretext for far. ther difcuffion on that point, the under. figned, in the name of the Executive Directory, now makes a formal and pofitive declaration of fuch acknowledgement. In confequence, Lord Malmesbury is again invited to give a speedy and categorical anfwer to the propofition made to him on the 22d of laft Brumaire, and which was conceived in thefe terms:The undersigned is inftruded by the Execu tive Directory, to invite you to defignate, with all poffible expedition, and expressly, the objects of reciprocal compenfation which you have to propofe. CH. DELACROIX Paris, Nov. 27. ANSWER of Lord Malmesbury. The underligned Minifter Plenipotenary of his Britannic Majefty, in answer to the note dated this morning, which has been delivered to him on the part of the Minifter for Foreign Affairs, is eager to affure him, that he will not delay a moment in communicating the faid note to his Court, for whofe further orders he muft receffarily wait, before he can be able to explain himself respecting the im portant points which it contains. Paris, Nov. 27. 1796. REVIEW OF NEW BOOKS. A Letter to Thomas Paine, in Reply to his THE prevailing opinion, that the pamphlet, to which this Letter is an ingenious and able reply, was fabricated at Paris, under the immediate direction of perfons high in office in the present Government of France, with the malignant defign to weaken, if not subvert, the Public Credit of this Country, has been the occafion of its attracting more public notice, than its fmall fhare of merit required. MALMESBURY. following reafon for undertaking a further refutation of Pain's publication. "The Gentlemen who have published strictures upon your work have not, in my judgment, fatisfactorily proved the folvency of the British Government; I shall therefore, in this address, endeavour to give you my opinion of the credit and resources of my country, which, after an attentive examination, I am convinced are in as flourishing and profperous a condition as at any time fince the commencement of the Funding Syftem." In order to clear the way to the elucidation of this comfortable statement of our Financial fituation, it was neceffary And this may be confidered as a for- to refute Mr Paine's arithmetical calcutunate circumftance, as it has called forth lations, by fhewing not only the abfurdity the talents of writers of confiderable of his affumed ratio, as applied to the exability, who have fo completely refuted pences of the wars we have been engaged the false theory and hazarded affertions in fince the commencement of the Fundof its nominal Author, that not a doubt ing fyftem, and to the progreffive increase can remain in the mind of any impartial of the national debt; but by producing perfon, native or foreigner, of the ftability facts to prove, that he has wilfully mifof the Financical fyftem it was calculated reprefented the amount of the expences to undermine. of thofe wars, and of the national debt, at the periods he mentions. Every new light, whatever, that can be thrown upon this interesting subject, at the prefent awful crifis, when the great queftions of a fecure and honourable peace, or of continuing a dreadful war, are in agitation, must be highly acceptable to all good men, who have the honour, the independence, and the prof. perity of their country at heart. In the Letter before us, our Author gives the By thefe documents, collected from the works of those who have ftated the amount of the national debt in all its various amount, the errors of Mr Paine's ratio, as applied to the war expences, is 57,981,609l. and as applied to the national debt, 180,047,750l. The general Table very properly annexed to this Let ter |