concesions from the King of France, not fee what difficulty can occur in leaThail the King of Great Britain be afha- ving the different colonies on the same med to yield to the just cries of two mil- footing of railing money by requisition lions of his subjects ?

as the people of Ireland. If it is thought I know all the arguments which are this manner of railing supplies might used to entangle weak men in support of throw too much power into the hands the present arbitrary tenets. The sub- of the crown, that power might be limitject, indeed, is complicated, and men ed, so as not to be exerted except upon are confounded more than convinced. the address of both Houses of ParliaIt is said, that legislation existing in the ment, such as has been lately adopted parliament of G. Britain, taxation, which respecting the prerogative in regulating is a part of legislation, must neceffarily the coin [xxxvi. 311.] I am still hopebe included. The various privileges ful, that the tense chords on which our which fublift in every free ftate, are American creed has been said and fung, hardly to be determined by any reason will be relaxed. I perceive, I think, the ing a priori: fuch dilemmas occur on e- tone of the Noble Lord is not so loud or very subject. Can any position appear so lofty as on some former debates on more ridiculous to those who maintain this subject. I hope it does not proceed the doctrines of virtual representation, from want of health ; in which case no than that a borough fhould fend two man could feel more sorrow for his members to parliament without house or Lordship than myself : but I hope it ainhabitant ? and yet there are many who rises from a more serious and deep rebear me, ftrenuous advocates against A- flection on the fubject, where his own merican charters, that hold their feats in gocd fenfe has had room to operate, free this house under fuch a curious repre- from those violent associates who feern festation. At the same time I confess to have precipitated his Lordship into the bafis of the conftitution depends on such rash and cruel measures, contrary preferving their privileges entire ; fince to his own natural good temper. Here no man can fay how far the reform then I shall conclude as I set out, hoping would reach ; and the whole art of go- that generons, just, pacific meafures will vernment connifts in preserving to every be adopted ; but still infifting, that no one his established rights. The most man can determine properly on the numcertain science we know is mathematics; ber of forces to be employed, until we yet if I was to say to many men, that know the measures that are pursued retwo lines might approach nearer and specting America.” nearer to all eternity, and never could Mr Crugher, an American, and memmeet, they would think the affertion ri. her for Bristol, addrefling himself to the diculous and absurd. Nevertheless there chair, faid, is nothing more certain than the truth of " I rife, Sir, to fay a few words on that theorem. It is equally true, that le- this important subject, with all the diffinifation may exist without the power of dence and awe which must strike the taxation. The kingdom of Ireland with mind on a first attempt to speak before in our own dominion, is a proof of what fo augırft an assembly. Should I remain these learned gentlemen asiert to be so filent on this occasion, I must condemn imposible. A worthy member in my myself for seeming to defert a cause which eye, being pressed with this argument in I think it my duty to elpouse. I cannot the last lustion of parliament, from the but be heard with candour by Englishfairness of his mind, avowed as his opi- men, when wliat I offer is dictated by a nion that we could tax Ireland. I re. love to my country. member there were some gentlemen in I am far from 'approving all the prothe gallery when this declaration was ceedings in America. Many of their

made, whom I immediately perceived, measures have been a dishonour to their ¡ by the contorfions in their countenance, cause. Their rights might have been

to be frih members. Next day the wore afferted without violence, and their thy member chose to make some apolo. claims stated with temper, as well as ay to his friends : He said, no parallel firmness. But permit me to say, Sir, could be drawn between Ireland and the that if they have erred, it may be conficolonies ; for Ireland had a parapherra. dered as a failing of human nature. A dia: and this satisfied both the English people animated with a love of liberty, and Irish members. For my part, I do and alarmed with apprehensions of its

1

being in danger, will unavoidably run wisdom of this House, which may feinto excesses ; the history of mankind cure the colonists in their liberties, while declares it in every page; and Britons it maintains the juft fupremacy of parliaought to view with an eye of tenderness, ment.” acts of imprudence, to which their fel An expression having dropped from a low-subjects in America may have been member, seeming to reflect on Lord hurried, not, as has been unkindly said, North, as if he had said, America pould by a rebellious fpirit, but by that gene- be brought to our feet, his Lordship, with rous spirit of freedom which has often becoming dignity and coolness, vindicaled their own ancestors into indiscretions. ted himself; and desired, that when any

Acts of severity are far from having a expressions liable to misrepresentation tendency to eradicate jealousies : on the fell from any of the members, they contrary, they must produce new fears, might be explained in the House; and and endanger that attachment and obe- complained of the cruelty of misrepredience which kindness and gentleness senting them out of doors, as well as the might have insured.

mischief they occafioned, particularly No country has been more happy in specifying such a piece of injustice in an its colonies than G. Britain. Connected American pamphlet. He acknowledged, by mutual interests, (till the æra of the he had made use of the words above fatal stamp-act), they llourished in an in- mentioned, or to that effect, in a feflion tercourse of amity, protection, and obe- of the last parliament, when the Boltodience, supporting and supported by cach nians had resolved on a non-importation other. Before that hated period, we moet plan to force G. Britain to repeal certain with no instances of disobedience to your acts of parliament; but he had explainlaws; no denial of the jurisdiction of par. ed them to the satisfaction of the whole liament; no marks of jealousy and dif- House before he left it; and therefore content. They ever loved liberty; their thought it ungenerous that it should be zeal for it is coeval with their first emi- mentioned again. gration to America. They were perfecu The question being put on Lord Barted for it in this country; they fought a rington's motion, it was agreed to withfanctuary in the unexplored regions of out a division. that. They cleared their in hospitable On the meeting of parliament after the wilds, cultivated their lands, and poured recess, a large bundle of American pa. the wealth which tbey derived from agri- pers was by the King's command laid culture and commerce into the bosom of before either House, before the Com. the mother-country.

mons, by Lord North, Jan. 19. and be. You protected them in their infant fore the Lords, by the Earl of Dartmouth, state; and they returned it, by confining Jan. 20. to you the benefits of their trade. You

[To be continued.] regulated their commerce for the advantage of this country, and they never dis

SIR,

London, Nov, 24. covered an oppofition, either to the au IT will not, I hope, be thought imper thority or the exercise of it. Are there tinent in an old man, long since reti. evidences of a spirit of disaffection to G. red from the hurry and confusion of the Britain, oringratitude for its protection ? world, should he venture, in thefe dif Are they not rather proofs, that if the cordant times, to offer a few words o famc line of mild and lenient govern- advice to his countrymen. ment had been pursued, the same cordia Enjoying a tolerable serenity of mind lity and submission would have been con- and an independent situation, I can wit! tinued ?

calmness, but not without feeling, lool But since these measures have been upon the transactions of this life. Al found, by fad experience, totally inade. though I am not apt to be haftily alarm quate ; since they have widened the ed, yet I cannot reflect on the presen brcach, instead of closing it; diminished condition of our country, and the tem the obedience of the colonies, instead of per of the people, without great anxiet confirming it ; increased the turbulence for both. I do not remember, upon th and opposition, instead of allaying them; whole, a crisis, in my opinion, more ir it may be hoped, that a different plan of teresting. It may be unnecessary to ot conduct will be pursued, and fome firm serve, that a spirit of discontent, differ and liberal constitution acopted, by the Gon, and an obtimate refillance to go

vernmen

vernment, appear now to be spread al- py enough at our divisions ; but surely moft universally. We may perceive a we can promise ourselves neither peace difpofition, from a petty corporation up nor security at home or abroad. to some of the first provinces of the em I jhall be charged with Aattery to the pire, to overthrow the endeavours, and present adminiftration, when I say, their leften the value, of every measure under late transactions appear to breathe a spitaken at St James's. Whether this ha- rit of firmness and judgement which their bitual disapprobation is really commende opponents seem incapable of extinguishable, or well founded, remains a great ing. And in truth, so long as their redoubt with most disinterested men; lince solutions are apparently well designed, it is well known, that the same attacks and executed with steadiness and imparhave been made, and moft probably tiality, I cannot see that we do any howould be levelled against any ministry nour to our country, or ourselves, in opwhatever. It is not my design to over- posing their intentions. In a word, I rate the merit of the present leaders; am afraid our boasted cause of liberty is though I am ready to acknowledge, that now become a handle to infidious and I by no means am convinced we hould ambitions men, who, grossly imposing better ourselves by a change. I have it upon the unwary, inculcate doctrines much more at heart to point out the manifestly tending to the subversion of all dangerous fituation to wbich we may be government whatsoever. To speak more reduced by indiscriminate suspicion, and plainly, the clamour of fools, and the ara violent oppofition to adminiftration in tifices of bad men, are enough to destroy general. I would endeavour to awaken the prosperity of the best-constructed cons that generous spirit which usually in- ftitutions. fuences my countrymen, when they are The state of public affairs at this time not deluded by prejudice, and the fasci- evidently requires uncommon skill, tembating arts of designing men. I could per, and resolution; and if the ministry wish they were convinced, that the li- are not determined in the performance of berty of the people cannot contist in an their duty, they undoubtedly are not fit undistinguishing and intemperate zeal a-. to direct the operations of the present gainft the servants of government ; but crisis. above all, that these disorders assuredly I am convinced, that had there been obfruct, and do not in the least forward, more firmness on the part of government the welfare of their country. It is not in their first conflict with our fellow-subpoßible to imagine, that the elevated jects of Boston, we had spared bloodchara&ter so justly due to an Englishman Thed, and should not now be in doubt, is conferred upon him, because he is at whether the fovereignty of that vast counliberty to abuse, at what time and in try, and every advantage accruing from what manner he pleases, those who are our connections there are not likely to intrusled with the cares of the legislature, be for ever wrested from us. In regard Nevertheless do I not speak the truth when to the present ferments in New England, I say, that the fashionable fyftem seems and some other colonies, I shall not feruto be a continual struggle who shall im- ple to advance, that, supported as they pede the operations of government moft? have ever been from hence in their infanNo sooner is a minifter feated at the helm, cy, and in the moment of er and than an almost general affiduity ensues, distress, no sophistry will convince me, who shall be forwardest in scandalífing, that they should not chearfully aslift their perplexing, and mortifying him. When- mother country, now they are become be a propenfity to mutiny appears, who opulent and secure, from her constant can engage to direct the ship with either encouragement and protection. Yet, I teadiness or safety?. The best inten- fincerely hope, the dangerous contention tions, the cleareft abilities, avail but little; will be decided without further bloodevery thing is unhappily thrown into con- shed; that they may be persuaded to fufion and danger. Change the ministry, thew a proper sense of their duty and suband place any other on the seat of direc. ordinacy, and that the goverment may tion, and in a short time the same uproar continue to demonstrate, on the occa. and dissatisfaction prevails. While we fion, equal justice, patience, and humacherish this unquiet spirit, we may afford nity. diverfion to our neighbours on the con I fall finish with an earnest request to tinent, who, I make no doubt, are hap: my countrymen, that they would lay a.

fide the unworthy practice of railing a- with their directions, they will neither gainst government without just founda- import from nor export to her, except tion; that they would consider the ex- tobacco; that they will send us for one treme difficulty attending the proper di- season only. However, it is to be horection of public matters ; that they ped the legislature will convince them, would think more for themselves, and that neither her intellects nor strength are not pay too great a deference to the in- fo far reduced, but that she is still able to Sinuations of interested, disappointed, or correct them; which may be calily done, ambitious men. I might with reason ap- by not only prohibiting, but preventing peal to the generous hearted, if they do all imports and exports to and from these not often reflect how much our present kingdoms, and every where else, not emurmurs and difensions must wound the ven excepting provisions of any kind. bosom of our gracious fovereign, who, Of those they have plenty produced ain spite of the ungrateful and malignant mong them. Their cattle, poultry, &c. invectives which have been published may be drove, their grain, roots, greens, with unrelenting diligence, seems to ad- &c. carried by land, to their thut-up opt every poflible method of preserving ports. Since they will not drink tea, they the affection and confidence of his people, will have the less occasion for sugar; and and appears to be filled with unlimited when their rum is exhausted, they have benevolence to them in general.

in general very fine fruits to relish their Lond. Chron. JAMES DE SOLIS. water with: perhaps it may prove great

ly for their advantage to be confined to SIR, London, Jan. 1775. fuch beverage, it may have the same good I

Observe in most of the news papers, 'effect in curing their phrenzy as letting

that the parliament is represented as them blood. The New-Englanders seem venal, and the freeholders all bribed for at present as much affected with that ter. their votes, at least those who are what rible disorder, as when their jails could they call of the majority: but this is a not contain the number of witches progreat mistake, for all the fenfible impar. duced among them. tial freeholders in Britain (who have no A very small part of our navy is able resentment at government for want of to block up all their bays, large rivers, places, or any desire to obtain them) are &c. and to seize all vessels that may atin its interest. I fhall give you one in. tempt either to go in or come out. ftance out of many.

There is not a prudent fober-minded At the last general election, a freehold- man, in either Britain or America, but er, who never asked or received any fa- would be glad to see them all convinced vour from government, told the repre. of their subjection to the British parlia. sentative he had voted for, that though he ment; for now they are in a Itate of a. was not of the opinionof such as thought narchy, without any government at all. a representative ought to be directed No man's life or property is safe if he difentirely by his conftituents [xxxvi. 549.), obliges the mob. yet as a freeholder, he advised him to The gentlemen of Maryland durst not fupport government against those hypo- determine about the tea, without their critical rogues, the pretended patriots, being called in to advise and direct; they who had occasioned all the disturbances wantonly and maliciously burnt not only in America as well as at home : several the tea, but also the lip [xxxvi. 656.]. of them he named, which I fupprefs left There is a great noise about not being reit might be looked on as a libel. The presented in parliament : neither i nor representative owned the advice to be thousands more are; yet we chearfully juft, and promised to do his endeavour pay the taxes for the support of that gofor that purpose.

vernment which protects us; and think Our North-American colonies have it but just every perfon enjoying that ad. found out, that poor Britain is grown vantage should contribute thereto. old, weak, infirm, and quite superan I have interest in America, though, nuated, without judgement to direct, or not so many thousands as some others; ftrength to support herself; they there- yet it would be very grievous to me fore, very kindly, take upon them the thould I lose it; and I am fentible it is çare of directing all her councils, not on- much safer in the hands of a British parly in what respects themselves, but in all liament, than in the Americans under no other matters. If the refuses to comply government. I am, &c. H. S.

Cafe

Case of the Court de GUINES, the French secrets of his court, he should permit

must render himself, if, informed of the Ambasador to the court of London, char- himself to job in the funds upon this cerged by M. Tori, formerly his secretary, tainty. What then must be the crime of with having ordered him to Stock-jub in the his fecretary, who, making a bad use of pablic funds of England, on his [the Am- the knowledge he has of the dispatches, baffador's] account; of having, in order to game with advantage, should likewise 30 evade ine payment of the holles, obliged pretend, in order to gain credit for himhim to abfcond; of having afterwards caso sed him to be imprisoned; and of having consent, and for the account, of his ma

self, that he games in the funds, by the defamed his charader.

fter? To destroy fuch imputations as these, [To these preliminary eclaircissements

the ambassador says, he might have is added some explanation of the politicontented himself with denying them, cal events which, from the month of they having no other support but the af- January 1771, to the 20th of April folsertion of the accuser ; but a more ho- lowing, (the æra of this affair), occanourable and more satisfactory defence fioned confiderable variations in the Engwas necessary for his own justification, lifh funds, such as, till then, had rarely as a man; and more fo, in vindication happened.] of the dignity of his character, as an am A very serious difficulty had arisen, bafiador. I will therefore, says he, un towards the clofe of the year 1770, bedertake to prove, that the accusation of tween Spain and England, with respect Tort is falfe. - I will do more; I will to Falkland islands. These two powers prove that it cannot be true.

had armed ; France had a part in it, as The Count, after thus briefly ftating the ally of Spain ; and negotiations were the accusation, proceeds to lay before set on foot on all sides, to prevent a war, his judges the nature of stock-jobbing in which none of the three courts defired. the English funds.

In the month of July 1770, I was apPeace or war, says he, form the ther- pointed ambassador at the court of Lonmometer of the value of the English don. Some time before my departure, funds. If there is a probability of war, upon the recommendation of feveral perthe funds fall; if there is a prospect of sons who had interested themselves in peace, they rise.

his behalf, I had taken M. Tort into Gaming is carried on there, by pur- my service, in quality of secretary. He chafing or selling stock fictitiously, to be introduced into my house Mr Delpech, delivered at a time agreed on. If, after under the pretext of affifting him in the this fiétitious contract, a rise or a fall business committed to his charge; and happens at the time of settling, the dif- had under him befides a Mr Roger, who ference must be paid accordingly. had been recommended to me by persons

When a jobber discovers that he has for whom I had a very great esteem. I speculated wrong, he may, in the mean also lodged in my house M. Vachon, time, repair the evil, by covering the o- who, coming to pass some time in Engperation, that is to say, by jobbing on land, had asked that favour of me. the other fide.

Upon my arrival at London, I placed This stock.jobbing is prohibited by an entire confidence in my secretary. I the laws of England, and therefore no had a right to believe, that the person to legal process can be carried on for the whom I had shewn the greatest favour, recovery of the debts that may result would, on this account, be the most defrom it. It depends on the reciprocal voted to my interest. M. Tort made a honefty of the gamesters. It is not dis- very bad use of the confidence I placed honourable, when it takes place between in him; but for a long time he prevented two persons who play on equal terms; my discovering his infidelity. He first but it becomes culpable, when a jobber, began by engaging a teacher of the French informed of some great political event, language to quit an employment he bad avails himself of that advantage to strip at London, in order 10 pursue a smngthe ignorant. This fraud resembles that gling-scheme; he bribed the perfon be. of a merchant insuring a ship which he longing to my household, whole bulinets knows has already perished.

it was to clear my effects at the customAfter this explanation, it is evident, house; and he made use of my name to how very contemptible an ambasador favour a contraband trade, of all others, VOL. XXXVII.

B