In our own times the same result is obtained from the existence of vast standing armies and troops of domestic servants in the houses of the middle classes.

Standing armies are necessary for the double purpose of keeping the people in subjection and affording employment to those who under the competitive system, would be unable to obtain bread, all the avenues of employment being filled up already without their competition. Wars are the necessary consequence of the existence of large standing armies, the love of glory, as it is called, is diffused amongst the people, the leaders of the armies are, of course, the most important persons in the state, and it is but natural for them to seek for opportunities of displaying their courage and professional skill.

We have seen that famines are necessarily incidental to the competi tive system, and we think it is pretty clear that wars are so likewise. Whilst, however, we admit that in order to continue the present system it is necessary for the state to abstract from the field of competition vast hosts of the labouring classes, and turn them into soldiers, sailors, and idlers, we are by no means in favour of this system; hence we have contended that the standing army should for the most part be substituted by a paid citizen force, properly disciplined. The accession to the ranks of the labouring classes produced by this change would be more than countervailed by the fruits of other democratic measures adopted at the same time, for the purpose of more equally diffusing property and intelligence, and paving the way for a complete subversion of those monstrous evils which now render mankind base, weak, vicious, and miserable.

Wars are held by some political economists to be necessary, to prevent over-population; and famine and pestilence are also regarded by many persons as being equally indispensable for the like purpose. To such extremities do the advocates of the competitive system feel themselves compelled to resort. Although we do not believe that even under the existing system of society it is impossible, or even difficult, to restrain the growth of the population within proper limits, we are decidedly of opinion that this object can be much better attained in an improved state of society, such as that exemplified by co-operative associations.

CHAPTER XXVII.

THE MISSION OF DEMOCRACY (continued.)

I. How a proper Social System is to be obtained-The First Great Social Change
-Democratic Legislation: its social effects.

II. The Second Social Revolution-Various Provisions against the evils of the

Competitive System-Measures to avert Famine, and restrict the increase of the Population-Management of State Property on the Social Principle. III. M. Louis Blanc's Plan for the Organisation of Labour-Why it is impracticable-Necessity of a more comprehensive Measure-Inopportuneness of the Project at the present time-Existing Legislative Enactments controlling large Industrial Establishments-When the subject will be dealt with systematically-Why America has not done so.

IV. Existing Legislative Enactments regulating the Price of Labour-Future extended Application of the Principle-Present Enactments to protect Labourers Capacity of the State to manage Industrial Establishments— Examples Objection to the Monopoly of a particular manufacture by the State Supposed Analogy to ancient Monopolies.

V. Objection the supposed analogy of ancient laws regulating the rate of WagesObjection that the State would not furnish sufficient Employment-Objection that our Exports would be diminished-M. Louis Blanc's Proposition to form Rural Associations upon the property of the State-His Proposition for a General Association of Workmen.

VI. Preparations to be made under a Democratic Government for a new System of Society.

VII. The Final Social Revolution-The State a Congeries of Co-operative Associations - The Government-Exchange of Commodities Treatment of Offenders-Mode of Living-The Marital Relation-Present Laws of Divorce in America.

VIII. Objection that there would be an indisposition to labour-The RestraintsAmount of Labour required-Disagreeable kinds of Labour: how performed -Vast Progress to be made by Associations in the Arts and Sciences.

IX. Moderate Labour: its effect on the Health and Spirits-Amusements in the Association-Public Meals-Clothing-Physical Improvement-Counteraction of the Evil Effects of Intemperate Climates-Migrations-Holiday VisitsForeign Commerce.

I.

A proper social system is to be obtained only by several successive steps.

THE FIRST GREAT SOCIAL CHANGE. First, there must be democratic legislation, which will, as already explained, extinguish the aristocracy, diffuse intelligence, and distribute property. Ample provision will then be made for the sick, the aged, the young, and unemployed; in a word, society will guarantee the support of all its members in a decent manner.

This guarantee involves a most important principle, which being carried out to its ultimate consequences will introduce the true social system. Criminals will be treated with humanity, and with a view to their reform. Emigrants will be assisted by the State, and a proper system of colonisation will be adopted.

Education will be provided gratuitously; also public libraries, lyceums, and intellectual exhibitions and entertainments. Proper measures will be adopted to secure the health and comfort of towns, and a sufficient number of places for recreation and amusement.

The people then being free and intelligent, equal in the eye of the law, and disposed to fraternise with each other, we shall find the different classes of society living together in boarding and lodging-houses in such a way as to enjoy the luxuries and refinements of modern civilisation at a small expense.

This is the first stage of social reform : and now having a pretty general equality of conditions, a society in which there will be no destitution, no vagrancy, no servility, and but little prostitution, the whole mass of the people will soon be prepared for the next great change in the social system.

II.

THE SECOND SOCIAL REVOLUTION.-The state will assume the ownership and management of railroads and other great public works, and also undertake, in the manner presently pointed out, the exclusive manufacture of those articles which are now manufactured in large establishments. It will regulate the prices of those articles and the rate of wages, and will take all necessary measures to secure the well-being of the workpeople and their families.

The state will also provide against famine, by laying up stores in times of plenty. This is now deemed impracticable, on account of the interference which it would occasion on the part of the government with the corn-merchants and farmers. Indeed, under the present system, the people must frequently be visited by famine.

The subject of restricting the increase of the population within reasonable limits will be investigated, thoroughly understood, and properly dealt with in the manner already explained and discussed. The state will assume the ownership of property when the owner dies without any widow or children. This property will be sold, and the proceeds invested in the purchase of suitable farms, which will be devoted to the use of a number of families selected by the state; the course of culture will be prescribed by the state, and the business conducted for the benefit of the families located on such lands. The families will live together in boarding-houses, proper food and clothing will be provided for them, and competent education. Wages, also, will be paid to the labourers accord

ing to the profits, for them to dispose of as they please: they will be provided for in sickness and old age, and after their decease their families will be properly supported.

III.

A few words by way of explanation of M. Louis Blanc's scheme for the organisation of labour may not in this place be inappropriate. He proposes that the French government should borrow money to purchase or establish manufactories. In the first instance, the management of these factories is to be confided to persons appointed by the government. In a year or two, however, the work-people will elect the managers, but the state will provide laws, rules, and regulations for the conduct of all the state factories. Competition between them will be prevented. The money borrowed by government to establish the factories is to be repaid, with interest, out of the profits. The earnings of the workpeople are to be subdivided into three separate portions; the first to pay wages, which are to be fixed at a reasonable amount; the second to be set apart as a fund for the aged and helpless; and the third to be reserved to meet commercial crises and periods of depression. The workpeople are to dispose of their wages as they please; but it is supposed that the evident advantages of living in community will lead to the adoption of voluntary associations. And that will doubtless be so when suitable boarding and lodging-houses are provided.

M. Louis Blanc says, every factory, after the first year, sufficing for its own guidance, the part of the government would be confined to watching over the maintenance of the relations between the different centres of similar productions, and the prevention of any violation of the common regulations. There is no public service in the present day that does not offer a hundred times more complication.

He supposes that private establishments would find it impossible to compete with those of the state. But it appears to us that, as the wages paid in the public establishments would be considerably above the present rate, it would be necessary for the state to prevent any competition on the part of private manufactories, just as it now prohibits any interference with its business of letter-carrying.

But this great innovation cannot be expected to take place until demoeracy shall have been firmly established a considerable length of time. The first fruits of democracy will be the adoption of more efficient measures than those now in operation, to prevent destitution, diffuse intelligence, equalise conditions, secure the comfort and well-being of society, and protect women and children from unsuitable labour, without any direct, complete, and systematic interference with the principle of competition.

It is true that there is even now a great deal of interference with large

industrial establishments, and many legislative enactments, for the purpose of diminishing the evils of excessive competition, and protecting the weak from the stronger portion of society; and these enactments will be greatly multiplied from time to time, even without the establishment of popular government. But when the state shall approach the question of competition, and deal with it systematically, on a large scale, for the avowed purpose of securing the welfare of all classes of operatives, whether men or women, adults or minors, society will have entered upon a new and glorious career, for which there must have been a considerable degree of preparation. The United States have not, even after sixty years of democratic government, reached this stage, having had no large seats of manufacturing industry; and it is probable that the old countries of Europe will be first in the field, in consequence of their having a much more numerous manufacturing population congregated in great towns. But in the first stages of democratic government on the continent, the friends of mankind will have some difficulty even in establishing the right of the poor to demand labour or subsistence from the state, that right being denied by a majority of the property classes, as well as by certain quacks, calling themselves political economists.

It is probable that some years will elapse before even the actual representatives of the people, having the welfare of the nation truly at heart, will overcome the prejudices of early education, learn the true principles of social science, perceive and acknowledge the evils of unrestrained competition, and understand the inevitable tendency of the modern social system. In the meantime, however, much will be done for the present good and future advancement-government by the people and for the people, will be firmly established, and the good fruit will ripen in due time.

IV.

The right and duty of the state to regulate the price of labour whenever one of the parties to the contract is, in consequence of his dependent position, liable to be unfairly dealt with by the other party, has been recognised on various occasions. Thus, pawnbrokers and other money-lenders are restrained from exacting an exorbitant rate of interest. Lawyers can only charge for their services according to a certain scale provided by law. Hackney coachmen, cabmen, omnibus proprietors, and public porters, have their wages fixed by acts of parliament.

The time has nearly arrived when this principle must be applied to the persons engaged in cotton, silk, and woollen manufactories, for they, in consequence of great social changes, are placed in a helpless position, and are subject to be dealt with unfairly by capitalists, as much and more so than borrowers, pawners, and clients of lawyers.

There have been frequent acts of interference on the part of the state