I shall not enter into any large discourse on the blessings of peace in general; since, how proper soever it may be to recollect them at present, the subject is trite, and many of the most material thoughts which might illustrate it, sufficiently obvious. But I would hint at some things, which are peculiar to the present occasion. I am persuaded, distant posterity will wonder, that so equitable a treaty should take place, when they consider a variety of attending circumstances, and compare them with the great rapidity and extent of the French conquests, and the evident superiority with which they threatened the low countries, and by a necessary consequence Britain itself, and all its allies. To suppose this to have been owing to some sudden change in the spirits of men, moderating their ambitious views, and assuaging their thirst of plunder and of empire, would increase rather than abate the wonder; and there are incidents by which, on very different principles, the change of measures may be accounted for; but they are such as still leave room to say, especially when compared with each other, that it Is the Lord's doing, and marvellous in our eyes*.

In this view we shall naturally think of our late successes at sea, in the first place; whereby the designs of hostile powers were rendered abortive, and those naval preparations which were intended to ruin our colonies, were led home in triumph to our own shores, and made at length to pour that vengeance on themselves, which they had meditated against us; whilst the opportunity which our maritime force gave us of cutting off their trade, and at the same time of extending our own, added strength to the sinews of war amongst us, which it weakened amongst them. Nor are we to consider that ever memorable series of providence which gave Cape Breton into our hands, as insignificant to this end. For though important reasons obliged the government to restore it, it is certain, the possession which we actually had of so valuable a jewel of the French crown must add great weight to our negotiations, and equitably intitle us to many advantages which we might not otherwise have been able to obtain: Not to say what influence our having so long held it, and intimately known its state, connexions, and dependances, may have on settling and conducting that colony to our adjacent province of Nova Scotia, which under the divine blessing, to which I hope we shall fervently recommend it, may be productive of signal advantages, and prove an happy equivalent for what it has been necessary to resign.

*Psal. cxviii. 23.

In these things the arm of the Lord hath been made bare; and lest the part which we ourselves have had in them, should make us less sensible of it, God hath been pleased to interpose in other instances, where we could pretend to no share of glory. In this view, besides what I said of the renewed wonders of providence in so favourable a disposition of the winds*, we have great reason to reflect on the scarcity of provisions in France, while we were enriched with plenty, for many successive years. And though in the mean time distempers reigned among our horned cattle, yet, blessed be God, never to such a degree as in some neighbouring countries, where various provisions were raised to almost three times their former value. And the fertility of our sheep, as well as of our lands, while our kine have been visited and afflicted, is never to be reflected upon without grateful acknowledgment; as it hath not only moderated the price of our food, but furnished us abundantly for those manufactures, the trade of which has been carried on extensively abroad, so much to our national advantage; in consequence of which, we have been much better able to support the necessary expence of the war. And this has taught our enemies to look upon us, not as an exhausted ruined people, but as those who had still resources sufficient to render them formidable, and whom it was not their interest to provoke to the last extremities.

I am indeed sensible, there are some, who being themselves surrounded with all the blessings of plenty, and attentive only to accidental personal advantages, or to the happy consequences which might have attended some successful action on the seas, or in the field, at a crisis like that which has lately occurred, regret the pacification in which we are this day called to rejoice. But such should temper these sanguine views, by remembering, how possible it was that another action might have been unsuccessful to us and our allies, and how dreadful the consequences of this must have been to the public cause, and even to Britain itself; whose army might then probably have been utterly cut off, and whose naval strength might not have been able to have defended it, if the wealth and shipping of Holland had fallen into the hand that was stretched out over them. The view indeed is so affecting, that it is painful to dwell upon it: and one trembles to think of casting the die for so deep a stake, had the chance been more equal than it seems to have been. But one of the first unhappy events which might have attended

* See some illustration of the expression here used, in my sermon, preached on the Fast Day, 1738-9, and a much fuller in that excellent pamphlet, called Britain's Remembrancer.

the risk, leads us to reflect on that signal interposition of heaven, which, in the hour of extremity, and with a hand conspicuous to the whole world, raised the house of Orange to such distinguished dignity and power; whereby the strength of the Low Countries is drawn into a point, and a steadiness and weight is given to their councils, which will render them respectable in eyes of all Europe, and must surely put it out of the power of any neighbouring states, to traverse our interest in them, and to deprive us of their important assistance, if future emergencies should arise. From this surprising event, with many others which have occurred of late years,

IV. Let us take occasion to reflect on the vanity of human ambition.

Some of its fatal effects we immediately saw; and I persuade myself, the hostilities which were exchanged between us and our neighbours, could not so far steel our hearts against all sentiments of humanity, as that we should not tenderly regret on their side, as well as on our own, the many sacrifices which were made to that merciless dæmon. And who must not now be struck, to observe how it has repaid its votaries! We may hope, it will be a lesson of wisdom, moderation, and justice, to distant nations, and to future ages, when they hear and read, how, after so vast an expence of blood and treasure, after so many fine provinces harrassed, so many rich cities plundered, so many thousands and myriads slain in their prime, the consequence of all should be, to quit what had been thus violently usurped, with this only consolation, or little but this, that the places through which the sanguinary procession had passed, were left less populous, less beautiful, less opulent, than they had been found, and that perhaps a day had ruined what nature and art had been years in forming. Can we imagine, that if France could have foreseen, how France would have been lacerated, chastised, and exhausted, not to say in many instances disgraced, it would have purchased the disquiet of Flanders, of Germany, of Italy, of Britain, at so dear a rate? Surely it would be unjust to suspect that, or any nation under heaven, of so much disinterested malevolence. But, as in the instance of Edom, it may justly be said, The pride of their heart hath deceived them;-and the men of their confederacy, the auxiliary forces on which they so inuch relied, have only brought them back to their own impoverished border*. The river rose with impetuosity, and deluged the

lands on either side; it bore down their ornaments, and their wealth, into a sea of destruction; and now its force and fury are spent, it runs, not unsullied, within its former channel.

While we reflect upon this, and perhaps suppress in our minds some of those reflections which will naturally arise upon it, let us pray, that wiser and more equitable, as well as more benevolent, measures and principles may prevail among the rulers of the earth. And let us rejoice, that the counsels of Britain, and the conduct of that generous prince who presides over them, may teach the nations honour and good faith. The glory of our sovereign in this respect must be the joy and boast of his people, far beyond what the trophies of conquest could yield: And it must give a satisfaction, not to be paralleled by any little momentary advantages which a contrary conduct might promise, that posterity will testify for his Britannic Majesty, how religiously his treaties have been observed, and his engagements fulfilled; in consequence of which his throne has stood firm against all efforts to shake it, supported by the grateful affection of a free people, supported above all by the omnipotent guardian of justice and truth.

V. Let the scenes through which we have passed, teach us to value and cultivate peace at home.

The public virtues of a prince take off very much from the merit of loyalty; and in an assembly like this, I need not urge, how much those of ours would increase the infamy of disaffection. May they who need such kind of lessons more, reflect how sadly our dissentions at home have weakened our strength and our importance abroad. Taught by what the common interest has suffered by them, let us exert the utmost influence of our examples, our persuasions, and our prayers, to unite all around us in attachment to our illustrious king and his family, and in unfeigned love to each other. And Oh that he, whose powerful influence alone can effect it, would so subdue every unkind suspicion and unfriendly prejudice, as to promote our civil and ecclesiastical union in degrees which have been hitherto unknown! A civil and political union seems so easy under a government like ours, that one would wonder any should oppose it, who have not some unnatural antipathy to liberty and prosperity, or whose desperate circumstances and characters do not apparently give them an interest in the confusion of the public. In religious affairs, mistaken principles conscientiously admitted and retained may create mutual difficulties, which may embarrass the most faithful and affectionate counsellors of peace; not to say, how far secular interest may, in some cases, increase

the embarrassment. But let us humbly look up to that universally acknowledged, but alas almost as universally neglected, head of the church, to whose all-healing energy no evils are in. curable; that he may diffuse those gentle but powerful influences of the spirit of love, which may effectually prevent our reviling or suspecting, our judging and despising each other. As for us, while under an unwilling necessity of continuing separate from our brethren, may we use thankful, peaceful, and unenvied, the liberty which the laws of God and man allow! and may growing experience more fully teach protestants of every denomination, How good and pleasant it is for brethren, though perhaps in different habits and assemblies, to dwell together in unity*; how much beauty, and pleasure, and strength, are added to the community, when it is cemented by such bonds! Which leads me to a yet more extensive reflection,

VI. Let what has passed, teach us to conduct ourselves, and all under our influence, by such rules of prudence and virtue, as may have a natural tendency to increase our national strength.

I would not cloud the festivity of a day, like this, by any thing which might appear an inauspicious insinuation as to the peace so lately established: May it be as lasting, as it is welcome to any who are concerned in it; and may providence give our children's children to rejoice in its happy consequences! But we know, that all human affairs are uncertain; and it cannot easily be forgotten, that the peace with France towards the end of king William's reign, and that with Spain towards the end of queen Anne's, did neither of them continue seven years. It is however evident, that nothing will tend more to perpetuate this pacification, than our being so provided against a contrary event, that none of our neighbours may find it their interest, if by a fatal relapse it should be their inclination, to disturb us.

There are natural and political precautions to be taken for this purpose, which will undoubtedly be the care of our governors, and concerning the particulars of which none but they who have the management of public affairs can competently judge: But there are others, and those on the whole not less important, which are of such a nature, as well becomes the teachers of religion to recommend and enforce; I mean, the cultivating those moral dispositions, without which we may ven

*Psal. cxxxiii. 1.