the nature of the Hungarian movement had changed, and Kossuth, the Dictator, had embraced the hazards of democracy and universal revolution. Thence resulted bitter quarrels in the State, bitter jealousies in the army, discords between the Polish and Hungarian Generals, and discussions between the bold innovators and those who would not violate national traditions. Meantime, the Hungarians being victorious, Kossuth reached the height of his power, and sent advices to Venice, encouraging her to persevere in her resistance; he also dispatched envoys, who promised her assistance in money, ships, and soldiers.

Thus the Venetians were animated to persevere; and when the Imperial Minister, De Bruck, wrote to Manin, on the 31st of May, that he had arrived at Mestre with the commission to enter on negotiations for peace, the Assembly, though it gave power to Manin to treat with De Bruck, resolved, by a majority of 97 votes against 9, to hold firm. The attack and defence continued during the whole of the month of June, and negotiations were carried on at the same time with the Imperial Minister in Verona : by the Venetians, with the desire to save their independence; by De Bruck, with the desire to persuade them to submit to a union with the kingdom of Lombardy, which he promised should be governed on liberal principles. The Assembly again resolved, on the 30th of June, by 105 votes against 13, that the offers of Austria, as they did not guarantee the rights of the Venetian people, or respect the dignity of the nation, were promises without guarantees, and conventions

void of honour, and that, consequently, all negotiations were broken off. The war continued, during the month of July, with unabated and even greater violence; carried on by the Austrians with much skill, constancy, and bravery; by the Italians, with much valour; and by the city supported with much magnanimity and fortitude. Venice endured dearth, famine, conflagrations, devastation, the plague of Cholera, every extreme of misery! Meantime, as the forces sent by Austria, and its own intestine discords, had not been sufficient to subdue Hungary, Austria had also broken through her own traditions, and invoked the aid of Russia, her haughty rival; and Russia had come forward promptly, for she was not only naturally averse to popular and national movements, but was also afraid that Poland would assume a threatening attitude, and was anxious to extend her influence over the Slavonic populations and the west of Europe. When the news of the Muscovite invasion, and of the first disasters which had befallen the Hungarians, reached Venice, the Assembly accredited Manin with full power to act, according to the best of his ability, for the safety and honour of the city; but Manin would not consent to surrender, until he had heard that Hungary was subdued. On the 22nd of August he received certain intelligence of the fact; and on the 23rd he published a proclamation, in which he notified that, as necessity enforced acts in which neither the Assembly nor the Government could share, all authority was given up into the hands of the Municipality. Thus the Austrians entered a few days afterwards into silent, de

serted Venice-and thus ended all war in Italy! all resistance to the foreigner!

Naples was a prey to furious revenge; any man whatever, who had distinguished himself by love towards Italy, and by fidelity towards the Constitution -ministers, deputies, senators, magistrates, priests, soldiers was either condemned to take refuge in foreign ships from the treachery of the police, and to seek safety in exile, or was thrown into prison in the midst of ruffians, and exposed to all kinds of mental and physical tortures: whoever was hateful to the insolent spies and wretched informers that were allpowerful in the police, was a mark for accusations and examinations; some were vilified from motives of private vengeance, some for the sake of gold; there was no guarantee for the safety of the citizen; no restraint of law, no shame in the Government, nothing but the most barefaced tyranny. The Austrians were all powerful in Tuscany; the Prince morbidly under the influence of the Courts of Naples, Portici, and Vienna; the Government on the downward road of dishonour and despotism. In the Duchies of Parma and Modena, the Austrians were also all powerful; the Government was mild in Modena, but in Parma harmonised with the profligate disposition of the young Duke. Piedmont alone, free from the presence of foreigners, preserved its national banner and its free institutions, whilst it gave hospitality to the Italians who fled thither from the vengeance of foreign foes, or of the factions which were triumphant in their own land. This was the state of Italy.

Germany, which, even during the period of popular triumphs and audacious hopes, had encouraged and aided Austria in the war against Italy-Germany, buffeted between Austrian treachery and the petty ambition of Prussia, had thrown herself back into the past. Russia had increased in power and credit; military rule existed in all the Austrian States; in France the Republic had been betrayed by the intemperance of economic factions, and by the powerful monarchical parties, which preserved no moderation on recovering their influence, but insulted the cause of liberty, trod under foot the rights of nations, praised the violent deeds of every Government, and thus cleared the path for despotism. Bonaparte allowed them to load themselves with the hatred and contempt of the people, and submitted to their ephemeral empire, because he perceived clearly that when the Parliament, which is the natural guardian of the public liberties, should have brought itself into bad odour with the people, it would be easy for him to establish his own empire. Amongst the petty States of Europe, Belgium remained free and untouched; amongst great nations, England alone -tranquil, free, and strong-pityingly beheld those nations who neither knew how to use liberty nor how to submit to slavery.

The new Ministry which succeeded that of Barrot in France not being restrained by any previous promises, turned its attention to Roman affairs, with the sole intention of calming the anger which the famous letter to Ney had kindled, and of inducing the Pope to

return to Rome. The anger of the Court had been mitigated, and its suspicions dissipated, ever since the Assembly had received the Motu proprio of Portici with entire satisfaction; and the Pope had said, "We could not return to Rome, so long as France left it doubtful whether it would fetter Our independent will; but now that she appears ready to guarantee Our independence, We hope soon to be able to return to Our Rome." But notwithstanding this, the Court had fresh ground for discontent in the removal of General Rostolan, who had been a great favourite at Gaeta, and the appointment of General Baraguay d'Hilliers, who was reputed to have but little partiality for the clergy, and much for Bonaparte, of whom the Court was suspicious. But as the new Commander had been enjoined to pursue such measures as would not further delay the return of the Pope, he abstained from any proceeding which might cause irritation; he even merited approbation for taking severe measures to intimidate the assassins who had stained their hands in the blood of his soldiers. In the meanwhile the Government pursued its way, in accordance with the wishes of the Cardinals; Galli doubled the property tax for the concluding months of the year, increased the fiscal fines, and put in force all the confiscations. Monsignor Savelli called the Bishops to aid in the political inquisitions; the Cardinal Vicar prohibited all schoolmasters whatever from opening schools without his permission; the Sacred Congregation of Instruction closed the colleges, ordered that young men should be