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They were produced to the Committee; and a small Committee was appointed to select such as were connected with the present investigation. Mrs Clarke was in his debt; and when he asked payment, she wrote him that he had forged a will, and could hang him if she picased. He had laid her letter before a

lawyer, who had written to Mrs Clarke,

but received no answer.

The next witness examined was Mr Reid. He kept a hotel in St Martin's Lane. Mr Dowler sometimes frequented the hotel, and he knew him. There was also a person who represented herself as Mrs Dowler; he had always ad. dressed her under that name, and never understood that she went by any other, George Robins, porter to Mr Reid, said he knew Mrs Clarke; that he had carried wine to her frequently; that she always passed under the name of Mrs Dowler. -Samuci Wells, waiter at the hotel, gave his evidence to the same purpose.

Mr Perceval inquired of Mr Wardle, if he had any more charges to bring for ward against the Duke of York. Mr Wardle said in reply, that he was not sufficiently prepared to enter upon any new charge, his information being as yet rather scanty, and if he should bring it forward, he pledged himself to be very concise. The House then resumed. The Chairman reported progress, and asked leave to sit again next day. Wednesday, Feb. 15.

Mr Whitbread drew the attention of the House to the case of Major Covell, who had called upon him that day, and was afraid his character might be injured by an expression of Colonel Gordon relative to him in an examination before the House. He read a letter from General Leith, praising the conduct of Major Covell very highly while he commanded the 76th in Spain, and expres sing his regret that he did not get the Lieut. Colonelcy of that regiment.,

conduct. He blamed the House for the manner in which Mr Wardle had been treated, and for the infamy with which he had been threatened, if he did not make good his charges. He then gave an account, that, some days ago, a person unknown had come and stated that there were papers in the hands of a solicitor in the city, which were strongly against the conduct of the Commander in Chief. After some search, the solicitor was found. He allowed that he had the papers, but was unwilling to give them up, alleging that the business had become a party question; that he lay under obligations to the Chancellor of the Exchequer; that he would disoblige his friends, and that he might hurt his own character and interest.After some severe animadversions on Lord Folkstone's speech by Mr Perceval, and an explanation by Lord Folkstone and Mr Adam, the Committee was resumed.

Mrs Clarke was called in to prove the hand-writing of Samuel Carter, General Clavering, Baroness Nolken, and Mr H. Elderton. The letters were shown to her, and she declared them to be the hand-writing of the different persons just named. Before retiring, she begged leave to say one word, and declared, that she never told Mr Nicholls that she was married to Mr Dowler, or that the Duke of York, if he knew of her marriage, would send Mr Dowler abroad.

The letters presented by the Select Committee were then read. First, three letters from Samuel Carter, after he had got his commission, asking pecuniary assistance, and begging her to procure him leave of absence. Then five letters from General Clavering to Mrs Clarke. They consist of requests to apply to the Duke of York in his behalf, and thanks for the attempts of Mrs Clarke to serve him. Before the other letters were read, Mrs Clarke was called in, and ask

through whose influence she had procured a paymastership for Mr Elder

ton.

Mr Leach brought up a report of the Select Committee appointed to inspected the letters laid before the House last night by Mr Nicholls. It stated, that the Committee had placed all the let ters which they considered as necessary to the present charges in a bundle mark. ed A.

Lord Folkstone moved the order of the day for the House to resolve itself into A Committee on the Duke of York's

She answered by the Duke of York, through Mr Greenwood, but very much against Mr Greenwood's will. She stated, that the Baroness Nolken did not apply to her on a military matter; that she had made several applications for her to the Duke of York. On being again shown the Baroness's let

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ters, she said that she fancied one of them was written by the Baroness's el

dest son.

Three letters of Mr Elderton were then read, two to Mrs Clarke, soliciting her to apply to the Duke in his behalf, and one to the Duke of York, thanking him for confirming his leave of absence. Then two letters from the Baroness Nolken, expressing her gratitude for the favours conferred upon her by the Duke of York.

Mrs Favourite was next examined. She was waiting-maid and house keeper to Mrs Clarke at Gloucester place. She had known Mrs Clarke since the time of her marriage, but had not been her servant till she went to Gloucesterplace. Miss Taylor used frequently to dine with the Duke of York and Mrs Clarke. Mrs Clarke was often pinched for money; the Duke was unwilling to advance money; sometimes he paid bills when they were presented when he was in the house. Mrs Clarke kept two or three men cooks, and treated his Royal Highness sumptuously.

Mr Wardle was next examined and declared he was ready to produce every letter of Mrs Clarke's and, to the best of his knowledge, they had been all produced.

The next witness examined was Mr Greenwood. He stated that no person of the name of Frome was in his office; that Frome came to town to settle some accounts of his own, and settled near Mr Greenwood's office, and that he has no connexion' whatever with Frome: That he once wrote Mrs Clarke, and sent the letter by Mr Taylor, shoe-maker, Bond Street. He knows Mrs Sinclair Sutherland; he knew her previously, but his acquaintance was more increased through the Duke of York, He was made acquainted with her connexion with the Duke of York by Mrs Sutherland herself, and had heard hes had a child to the Duke. The Duke of York ordered Mr Greenwood to inquire into the character of Mr Elder ton; the first accounts were satisfac. fory; but, in consequence of some subsequent reports of misconduct, he wrote to Sir Robert Abercrombie, who obviated these reports entirely, and even applied for Mr Elderton himself. No sums of money ever went through Mr Greenwood's hands to Mrs Clarke.

Colonel Gordon was again called in. He stated that he had been acquainted with Major Turner since 1803. He called upon Colonel Gordon previous to his resignation, but did not solicit any favour, as far as he could recollect. Colonel Gordon had dissuaded him from resigning, but understood he had got into an unfortunate scrape with a woman, which made it desirable for him to retire. He admitted that measures were taken against Major Turner, in consequence of an anonymous letter, and said that all anonymous letters were forwarded to the Commander-in-Chief.

Lord Folkstone thought it necessary tó state the purport of the papers that would be produced. By these papers, it would appear that a negotiation was carrying on by the Duke of York to obtain the loan of about L. 70,000 in 1804, to be paid by way of annuity. The person employed was a Mr Kennet, then residing in Lincoln's Inn Fields. At the same time, a concurrent negotiation was on foot to obtain for Kennet a place under Government. Several applications were made by the Duke of York to different departments of Government, to obtain for Kennet places in the West Indies. The advance of the sum of money to the Duke was de pendent on his obtaining a place for Kennet. This Kennet proposed as the sine qua non, and the answer of the Duke's private secretary acknowledging the receipt of Kennet's letter, expressed no displeasure at the proposition. After some observations from the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr Duff was called in and examined.

He stated that he was solicitor on Mr Robert Kennet's bankruptcy, and in consequence had become possessor of the papers which he gave to the clerk. Mr Robert Kennet was twice bankrupt. He was tried for a conspiracy to defeat the commissioners, found guilty, and sentenced to the pillory.

The handwriting of Mr Kennet, Col. Taylor, the Duke of York's private secretary, Mr Adam, Mr Long, Mr Chapman, &c. was then proved, and the different letters were then read. They contain allusions to the loan of money to the Duke of York; but consist chief ly in statements of the applications made by the Duke's order for situations for Mr Kennet.

1

Historical Affairs.

WAR BETWEEN AUSTRIA AND FRANCE.

PRELIMINARY REMARKS.

EFORE entering into a detail of

which

taken place, we may be permitted to make a few preliminary observations apon some curious documents which have very recently come to light.

It appears now to be ascertained, that so far back as May 1808, the hostile preparations of Austria had created a very great alarm in the mind of Bonaparte, who was then finishing his work of le gislation for Spain; for in a letter from his Secretary, Champagny, dated at Bourdeaux in June, to Count Metternich, the Austrian ambassador at Paris, he offered to make no small sacrifices, in order to appease the Court of Vienna, and to elicit from it, by way of keeping up appearances with the rest of the continent, an explicit declaration of a pacific mind. "Do you wish to be at rest with regard to the dispositions of France? All the assurances you can desire will be given you. Do you wish the encampments in Silesia to be brok en up? They shall be broken up. Are you desirous that the directions given for arming the fortresses in that province should be countermanded? That shall be done. Do you wish that the measures for forming magazines of provisions at Palma-Nova should be discontinued?—They shall be discontinued. Publick declarations to that effect shall be made to you in any form you desire. They shall be couched in such terms as that the supposition of a meditated attack on the part of France shall mani. festly appear to be absurd ;-but do you, on your side, recal and discontinue those manifestly hostile and threatening measures, that are inconsistent with the present situation of Europe, and with the repose of which it so much stands in need that remove to a distance all hope of a general peace, and above all that are incompatible with the native disposition and principles of the empe.

ror."

June 1809.

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rising spirit of the people, until he had subjugated Spain; it would have been a matter of perfect indifference to him what it might have afterwards resolved upon, as he would have been prepared to dictate, and not to soothe.

But the Cabinet of Vienna was not to be so cajoled. It did dissemble its hostile intentions, and actually issued a proclamation against the propagators of reports tending to encourage the idea of the renewal of war. It is surprizing that this circumstance, with the de molition of Brannau and Egra, should have lulled the vigilance of a man, who, according to his slave Champagny, "lays it down as a principle, not to reject what seems improbable." Nevertheless, he either was satisfied, or pretended to be satisfied with the pacific declaration of the Austrian Emperor. But whatever semblance of pacific disposition the Cabinet of Vienna may have assumed, it did not, in the slightest degree, cause any alteration in the armament and discipline of its people. These went on with surprising alacrity, even according to the French accounts. Yet such was the eagerness of the tyrant to crush the Spaniards, that he detached in August 100,000 men from his grand army of the Rhine, and sent them into Spain; an error, in our apprehension, totally repugnant to his known rule of conduct, and even to his expressed apprehensions. From the lights we have since obtained, we have discovered many apparent circumstances of irresolution in his conduct. But the deluding nature of vice is such, that he was not aware of the hatred, indignation, and desire of revenge, which his cruelties and his perfidy had provoked. Having trampled upon every sentiment of justice, he had no conception of the general abhorrence that has risen against him. He thinks resentment may belong to the sufferers

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and their immediate adherents; but having no faith in a disinterested sense of virtue, he feels no apprehension lest o ther persons should be offended with his injustice, or inclined to punish his guilt. Add to this, that success has hitherto administered to his audacity; and that he is daily more and more inured to the commission of outrage. Thus render ed familiar with perfidy and cruelty, flushed with success, more elate with con fidence in his own ability, than attentive to the suggestions of his suspicion; and from his incapacity of feeling moral obligation, more ignorant of the general abhorrence he has incurred, than averse from revenge; as he becomes, if possible, more inhuman, he certainly becomes more incautious. Thus his conduct involves him in danger.

In detailing the particulars of a colloquy between the tyrant and the Austrian Ambassador, at an audience of the Diplomatic body, the following singular marks of Bonaparte's irresoluteness are manifest.

66

"Austria means to make war upon us," said the emperor, or she means to frighten us." M. de Metternich bore testimony to the pacific disposi. tions of his government. "If so, why such enormous preparations?" "They are merely for defence," said the minis

ter.

"But who attacks you, that you provide for your defence in such a way? Who threatens you, that you should think of being attacked? Is not all around you quiet? Has there been the least dispute between us since the peace of Presburg? Have I asked any thing of you? Has not the whole of our intercourse been friendly? And yet all on a sudden you have set up a cry of war. You have put your whole population in mo. tion. Your Princes have been running through the provinces, and you have sent abroad the same proclamations, and taken just the same steps you did when I was at Leoben. Was this only a new organization, you would have done all this more slowly, at less expence, with less violence, without creating such a ferment at home, or raising such a dis. turbance abroad. But your measures are not merely for defence. You have added 1,300 men to each of your regiments. Your militia will furnish you with 400,000 men, which you can disnose of as you please. These men are ut into regiments. A part of them

are clothed, your fortresses are supplied with provisions. In a word, a sure sign that you are preparing for war is this; that you have been purchasing horses. You already possess 14,000 for the artillery. Such extraordinary expences are never made in the bosom of peace. These expences are increased by those of your military organization. Your men are paid with money; you have clothed a part of them, and found them with arms. This cannot be done but at great expence; and yet you confess yourselves the bad state of your finances. Your exchange, which has been for a long time low, has fallen still lower; your commerce has decayed. Is it then without an object that you have bid defiance to all such difficulties? Do not say that you were forced to think of your own security. Confess that all our relations have been friendly. You know that I ask for nothing, and want nothing; and I consider the maintenance of your power, under present circumstances, as very necessary to the European system, and the prosperity of France. I have put my troops in camp, in order to keep them in good discipline and activity. They do not encamp in France, because it costs too much. They encamp in foreign countries, where it is not so dear. My camps are scattered about. Not one of them threatens you. I should have had no camps, if I had had projects against you. And I was so very pacific, that I dismantled the fortresses of Silesia. I should certainly not have had those camps, if I had thought they would have given you any uneasiness. A single word from you would have been enough for me; and I am ready to break up all of them, if it is necessary for your quiet."

Although, in this curious dialogue between Bonaparte and the Austrian Minister, it is easy to detect his old artifices and stratagems, yet we are persuaded from many circumstances, more especially from the critical state of his arms in Spain, that the present is not a war of his own seeking, and that he has entered upon it with extreme reluctance. Rightly did he assure Count Metternich, that he wished to maintain Austria under present circumstances, for he had sufficient work cut out for him in Spain.

There has lately appeared in the Moniteur an ex parte correspondence between the two governments previous to

the

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the commencement of hostilities, according to which, it is plain, that France left no means untried, without compromising her power, to avert a war with Austria. And, if this be not sufficiently conclusive, the French minister's report to the tyrant strongly indicates the measures which France took to elude the war, until she had completed her objects in Spain. It says, your Majesty made a new endeavour to avoid this war, which you had not given rise to ;you called for the interference of the Russian minister of foreign affairs, who was at that time in Pats. This minister, having been instructed by your majesty, visted the Austrian ambassador. He proposed an arrangement by which the three empires should be united by a triple guarantee, and which secured to Austria the integrity of her territory by the guarantee of Russia against the enterprizes of France, and that of France against the enterprizes of Russia; and in like manner the guarantee of Austria was accepted by the other two powers. It is unpleasant to be obliged to declare that these proposals by M. de Romanzoff had no effect*."

What can be more decisive of the reluctance of Bonaparte to enter upon this war? In fact, the success of his arms in Spain had not corresponded with his expectations. He had been successful in the first inundation; but the Spaniards recoiled, and suffered it to spend itself. Instead of finished desolation, the war there has resumed the same features which it wore last year; the same as it has always appeared in from the time of the ancient Romans, and the Moors, down to the present hour, whenever subjugation has been the object of the invaders. It was evident, therefore, to the tyrant, that auother, and perhaps, a fourth campaign would be necessary; it was evident, that the whole of his disposable force would be required to subdue a people resolved to be free. Hence an Austrian war would divert the whole of such a force;

*We have been further told, that another great concession was offered to the Emperor Francis, no less than the dissolution of the Confederation of the Rhine, leaving these Princes to act as they thought proper.

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and place him in a situation which he has never yet been reduced to,-the necessity of carrying on hostilities with two great powers, many hundred miles apart from each other. Consequently the great cause of all his victories would be annihilated; he was sensible that he could not concentrate his forces, and bring them to bear in irresistible masses upon each enemy at the same time. He must relinquish one or the other; or, if he were to persist in contending with both, his power against each of them must necessarily be diminished; and his wars would no longer be carried on upon the principles which have made him the terror of Europe, but according to the old system, and of course variously mingled with good and bad fortune. But a check, a permanent resistance, even would be more fatal to his arms, than defeat in pitched battles; because the moment the delusion is dispelled respecting his irresistibility, he is aware that his power will totter; and that he will have gathering around him, what he dreads more than regular armies, insurgent nations, availing themselves of the complexity and danger of his situation to regain their independence. Above all, the success either of Austria or Spain, while he is engaged with both, would compel him to carry on against one of them a defensive war; and the reader need not be told, that from the moment the French are driven to fight upon their own territory, and to draw their resources from it, the magic of his usurpation will fall to the ground. Bonaparte himself has told us in the printed account of his colloquial discussion with Count Metternich at his levee, that his troops do not encamp in France, because it costs too much; they encamp in foreign countries, where it is not so dear;" and he might have added, where they cost nothing comparatively, as the comforts of the wretched inhabitants are wrung from them to support his slaves. But, when these encampments are confined within the French frontier, when the resources must be extorted from his own vassals, he is a ware that they will ask, "why such oceans of blood and waste of fortune are vainly lavished? why may not France, assured of her integrity, be blessed at length with repose ?"

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