desirous to meet with him, that I might hear the facts from his own mouth. In order to gratify my curiosity, a friend of mine in Glasgow invited Captain Kennedy to dine along with me at his house. The Captain was an elderly, respectable looking man, and as he had often sailed to the Clyde, his character for honour and truth was well established with many gentlemen in Glasgow, and particularly with my friend who entertained us. This preface may not appear unnecessary, when I relate the extraordinary part of Captain Kennedy's case, which was, that he existed when shipwrecked, without food (except a biscuit or two which he had in his pocket) and without sleep, eleven days, a period much longer than I before ever heard of any one being able to support the same state of abstinence, while in the ordinary circumstances of health. Captain Kennedy having sailed with a cargo of timber from North America to the Clyde, the ship, in the midst of the Atlantic Ocean, sprung a leak, and instantly filled with water. The Captain and seamen had only time to escape to the round tops of the masts. By reason of the ship being filled with timber she did not sink further than the deck, by which the ship's crew were preserved in the most hazardous and terrifying situation that can possibly be imagined. They had nothing to eat, and nothing to drink, but such of the snow, sleet, and rain, as happened to fall, that they could find means to catch. To sleep was certain death. After hanging for three or four days in this awful state of danger and anxiety, many of the sailors, from weakness and despondency, began to give up their hold, and submit themselves to the waves. The Captain and two or three more survived eleven days after the shipwreck, on the roundtops, when they were spied by an English trading ship, and were immediately carried on board of her, and treated with the utmost kindness and humanity. Captain Kennedy says, the English ship-master, immediately after pressing him to take a little meat, put him to his own bed, hoping he would receive much relief and refreshment from sleep; but sleep had quite departed from him, and his imagination continued so overwhelmed with his former awful situation, that he could not compose himself to sleep for three or four days after his deliverance. I am, Sir, &c. Andrew Steele, W. S! Account of the Epidemic which raged in FROM various circumstances and appearances, and from the character of the epidemical distemper, which raged lately in the South of Spain, there is every reason to sup pose it was similar to that distemper, or plague, which depopulated West Barbary; for whether we call it by the more reconcileable appellation of the Epidemy, or Yellow Fever, it was undoubtedly a plague, and a most destructive one; for, wherever it prevailed, it invariably carried off, in a few months, one-half, or one-third, of the population. It does not appear how the plague originated in Fas in the year 1799. Some persons, who were there, at the time it broke out, have confidently ascribed it to infected merchandize imported into that place from the East; whilst others, of equal veracity and judgement, have not scrupled to ascribe it to the locusts which had infested West Barbary during the seven preceding years, the destruction of which was followed by the (jedrie) small pox, which pervaded the country, and was generally fatal. The jedrie is supposed to be the forerunner of this species species of epidemy, as appears by an ancient Arabian manuscript, which gives an account of the same disorder having carried off two-thirds of the inhabitants of West Barbary about four centuries since. But however this destructive epidemy originated, its leading features were novel, and its consequences more dreadful, than the common plague of Turkey, or that of Syria, or of Egypt, as will appear by the following observations: In the month of April 1799, a plague of a most destructive nature manifested itself in the city of Old Fas, which soon after communicated itself to the new city, carrying off one or two the first day, three or four the second day, six or eight the third day, and increasing progressively, until the mortality amounted to two in the hundred of the aggregate population, continuing with unabated violence, ten, fifteen, or twenty days; being of longer duration in old than in new towns; then diminishing in a progressive proportion from one thousand a day, to nine hundred, then to eight hundred, and so on until it disappeared. Whilst it raged in the town of Mogodor, a small village (Diobet) situated about two miles south-east of that place, remained uninfected, although the communication was open between them on the thirty-fourth day, however, after its first appearance at Mogodor, this village was discovered to be infected, and the disorder raged with great violence, making dreadful havock among the human species for twenty-one days, carrying off, during that period, one hundred persons out of one hundred and thirty-three, the original population of the village before the plague visited it: none died after this, and those who were infected recovered in the course of a month or two; some losing an eye, or the use of a leg or an arm. Many similar circumstances might be here adduced relative to the numcrous and populous villages dispersed thro' the extensive province of Haha, all which shared a similar or a worse fate. Travelling through this province shortly after the plague had exhausted itself, I saw many uninhabited ruins, which 1 had before witnessed as flourishing villages. On making inquiry concerning the population of these dismal remains, I was informed that in one village, which contained six hundred inhabitants, four persons only had escaped the ravage. Other villages which had contained four or five hundred, had only seven or eight survivors left to relate the calamities they had suffered. Families which had retired to the country, to avoid the infection, on returning to town, when all infection had apparently ceased, were generally attacked and died: a singular instance of this kind happened at Mogodor, where, after the mortality had subsided, a corps of troops arrived from the city of Terodant in the province of Suse, where the plague had been raging and had subsided: these troops, after remaining three days at Mogodor, were attacked with the disease, and it raged exclusively among them for about a month, during which it carried off two-thirds of their original number, one hundred men: during this interval, the other inhabitants of the town were exempt from the disorder, though these troops were not confined to any particular quarter, many of them having had apartments in the houses of the inhabitants of the town. The destruction of the human species in the province of Suse was considerably greater than elsewhere: Terodant, formerly the metropolis of a kingdom, but now that of Suse, lost, when the infection was at its height, about eight hundred each day: the ruined, but still extensive and populous city of Morocco, lost one thousand each day: the populous cities of Old and New Fas diminished in population twelve or fifteen hundred each day, insomuch that, in these extensive ci ties, the mortality was so great *, that the living, having not time to bury their dead, the bodies were deposited, or thrown altogether, into large holes, which when nearly full were covered over with earth. Young, healthy, and robust persons, of full stamina, were for the most part attacked first; then women and children; and, lastly, thin, sickly, emaciated, and old people. After this deadly calamity had subsided, we beheld a general alteration in the fortunes and circumstances of men: we saw persons, who before the plague were common labourers, now in possession of thousands, and keeping horses without knowing how to ride them. Parties of this description were met wherever we went, and the men of family called them in derision, (el wurata) the inheritors. Provisions also became extremely cheap and abundant the flocks and herds had been left in the fields, and there was now no one to own them! and the propensity to plunder, so notoriously attached to the character of the Arab, as well as to the Shelluh and Moor, was superseded by a conscientious regard to justice, originating from a continual apprehension of dissolution, and that the El khere, as the plague was now called, was a judgment of the Omnipotent on the disobedience of man, and that it behoved every individual to amend his conduct, as a preparation to his departure for paradise. The expense of labour, at the same time, increased enormously, and never was equality in the human species more conspicuous than at this time: when corn was to be ground, or bread baked, both were performed in the houses of the affluent, and prepared by themselves; for the very few people whom the plague had spared, were insufficient to administer to the wants of the rich * There died, during the whole of the above periods, in Morocco, 50,000; in Fas 65,000; in Mogodor, 4,500; and in Saffy 5,000 in all, 124,500 souls. and independent, and they were accordingly compelled to work for themselves, performing personally the menial offices of their respective families. The country being now depopulated, and much of the territory without owners, vast tribes of Arabs emigrated from their abodes in the interior of Sahara, and took possession of the country contiguous to the river Draha, as well as many districts in Suse; and, in short, settling themselves, and pitching their tents whereever they found a fertile country with little or no population. The symptoms of this plague varied in different patients; the variety of age and constitution gave it a like variety of appearance and character: in some it manifested itself by a sudden and violent shivering, in others by a sudden delirium, succeeded by great and unquenchable thirst. Cold water was eagerly resorted to by the unwary and imprudent, and proved fatal to those who indulged in its momentary relief. Some had one, two, or more buboes, which formed themselves, and became often a slarge as a walnut in the course of a day; others had a similar number of carbuncles; others had both buboes and carbuncles, which generally appeared in the groin, under the arm, or near the breast. Those who wère affected with a shivering, having no buboe, carbuncle, spots, or any other exterior disfiguration, were invariably carried off in less than twentyfour hours, and the body of the deceased became quickly putrified, so that it was indispensably necessary to bury it a few hours after dissolution. I recommended Mr Baldwin's * invaluable remedy of olive oil, applied according to his directions: several Jews, and some Mooselmin, were induced to try it, and I was afterwards visited by many to whom I had recommended it, and had given them written directions in Arabic how to apply it *Late British Consul in Egypt. it; and I do not know any instance of its failing when persevered in, even after the infection had manifested itself. I have no doubt but the epidemy which made its appearance at Cadiz, and all along the southern shores of Spain, immediately as the plague was subsiding in West Barbary, was the same disorder with the one above described, suffering, after its passage to a Christian country, some variation, originating from the different modes of living, and other circumstances: for nothing can be more opposite than the food, dress, customs and manners, of Mahommedans and Christians, notwithstanding the approximation of Spain to Morocco. We have been credibly informed that it was communicated originally to Spain by two infected persons, who went from Tangier to Estapona, a small village on the opposite shore; who, after eluding the vigilance of the guards, reached Cadiz. We have also been assured, that it was communicated by some infected persons who landed in Spain from a vessel that had loaded produce at L'Araiche in West Barbary. Another account was, that a Spanish privateer, which had occasion to land its' crew for the purpose of procuring water in some part of West Barbary, caught the infection from communicating with the natives, and afterwards proceeding to Cadiz, spread it in that town and the adjacent country. It should be observed, for the information of those who may be desirous of investigating the nature of this extraordinary distemper, that, from its character, and its symptoms, approximating to the peculiar plague, which (according to the before-mentioned Arabic record) ravaged and depopulated West Barbary four centuries since, the Arabs and Moors were of opinion it would subside after the first year, and not appear again the next, as the Egyptian plague does: and agreeably to this opinion, it did not re-appear the second year; neither did St John's day, or that season, affect its virulence; but about that period, there prevails along the coast of West Barbary a trade wind, which, beginning to blow in the month of May, continues throughout the months of June, July, and August, with little intermission. It was apprehended that the influence of this trade wind, added to the superstitious opinion of the plague ceasing on St John's day, would stop, or at least sensibly diminish the mortality : but no such thing happened, the wind did set in, as it invariably does, about St John's day; the disorder, however, increased at that period, rather than diminished. Some persons were of opinion, that the infection maintained its virulence till the last; that the decrease of mortality did not originate from a decrease of the miasma, but from a decrease of population, and a consequent want of subjects to prey upon and this indeed is a plausible idea; but admitting it to be just, how are we to account for the almost invariable fatality of the disorder when at its height, and the comparative innocence of it when on the decline? for then the chance to those who had it was, that they would recover and survive the malady. The old men seemed to indulge in a superstitious tradition, that when this peculiar kind of epidemy attacks a country, it does not return or continue for three or more years, but disappears altogether (after the first year,) and is followed, the seventh year, by contagious rheums and expectoration, the violence of which lasts from three to seven days, but is not fatal. Whether this opinion be in general founded in truth I cannot determine; but in the spring of the year 1806, which was the seventh year from the appear. ance of the plague at Fas in 1799, a species of influenza pervaded the whole country; the patient going to bed well, and not rising in the morning, a little phlegm was expectorated, accompanied by a distressing rheum, or or cold in the head, with a cough, which quickly reduced those affected to extreme weakness, but was seldom fatal, continuing from three to seven days, with more or less violence, and then gradually disappearing. During the plague at Mogodor, the European merchants shut themselves up in their respective houses, as is the practice in the Levant: I did not take this precaution, but occasionally rode out to take exercise on horseback. Riding one day out of the town, I met the Governor's brother, who asked me where I was going, when every other European was shut up?" To the garden," I answered. "And are you not aware that the garden, and the adjacent country, is full of (Genii) departed souls, who are busy in smiting with the plague every one they meet?" I could not help smiling, but told him, that I trusted to God only who would not allow any of the Genii to smite me, unless it were his sovereign will, and that if it were, he could effect it without the aid of Genii. On my return to town in the evening, the sandy beach from the town gate to the sanctuary of Seedi Mogodole* was covered with biers. My daily observations convinced me that the epidemy was not caught by approach, unless that approach was accompanied by an inhaling of the breath, or by touching the infected person: I therefore had a separation made across the gallery, inside of my house, between the kitchen and dining parlour, of the width of three feet, which is sufficiently wide to prevent the inhaling the breath of a person. From this partition, or table of separation, I took the dishes, and after dinner returned them to the same place, suffering none of the servants to come near me; and in the office and counting-house, I had a par A sanctuary a mile south-east of the town of Mogodor, from whence the town receives its name. tition made, to prevent the too near approach of any person who might call on business; and this precaution I firmly believe to be all that is necessary, added to that of receiving money thro' vinegar, and taking care not to touch or smell infectious substances. Fear had an extraordinary effect in disposing the body to receive the infection; and those who were subject thereto invariably caught the malady, which was for the most part fatal.At the breaking out of the plague at Mogodor, there were two medical men, an Italian and a Frenchman, the latter a man of science, a great botanist, and of an acute discrimination : they however did not remain, but took the first opportunity of leaving the place for Teneriffe, so that the few Europeans had no expectation of any medical assistance except that of the natives. Plaisters of gum amoniacum, and the juice of the leaves of the opuntia, or kermuse ensarrah,, i. e. prickly pear, were universally applied to the carbuncles, as well as the buboes, which quickly brought them to maturity: many of the people of property took copious drafts of coffee and Peruvian bark. The Vinaigre de quatre voleurs was used by many, also camphor, smoking tobacco, or fumigations of gum Sandrac; straw was also burned by some, who were of opinion that any thing which produced abundance of smoke was sufficient to purify the air of pestilential effluvia. During the existence of the plague, I had been in the chambers of men on their death-bed: I had had Europeans at my table, who were infected, as well as Moors, who actually had buboes on them: I took no other precaution than that of separation, carefully avoiding to touch the hand, or inhale the breath; and notwithstanding what may have been said, I am decidedly of opinion that the plague, at least this peculiar species of it, is not produced by any infectious principle in the atmosphere, but caught solely by touching infected |