ral duties of his office, the garden affords the most ample testimony; and they are happy in paying this public tribute so justly due to his meritorious services. In the ornamental part of this garden, where the plants grow promiscuously, a legible large label is affixed to every plant, with the initial letter of the general division to which it belongs, and a number corresponding with the number in the Catalogue under the same division, where in the same line will be found the Latin and English name of the plant, with its class, order, &c. With this Catalogue, as a manual, a visitor, without the trouble of inquiry, may discover the name and family of any plant in the garden. In the first establishment of this Institution, the number of shares was limited to 300; it was afterwards extended to 375; but the funds proving inadequate to the necessary expenditure of the garden, and a very considerable debt having been contracted for the expense of building the conservatories; upon the report of the Committee at the general meeting of the Proprietors, in May 1807, they unanimously resolved further to encrease the number of shares to 450, by a subscription of the Proprietors only, which subscription was filled up in a very few days; and it is now confidently hoped, that by a liquidation of debt, and a great increase of annual income, the plans that have been suggested for the improvement of the garden will be fully completed, and the permanency of the Institution effectually secured. Liverpool, 1808. On Cruelty to ANIMALS. "Thou shalt not kill." WITH all the boasted superiority of his nature, a disposition to cruelty is a leading feature in the cha racter of man, and obscures the lustre of all his attainments. This, neither law can restrain, nor reason altogether subdue. To possess and to torment the inferior animals, are the favourite pursuit of the child and the boy, and, dignified with the name of Sportsman, the philosopher delights in their de struction. Upon what principle shall we explain this detestable propensity, and in what manner shall we moderate its effects? Something may no doubt be ascribed to the early influence of example and the natural desire in man, to gain, by the exertion of his ingenuity, the possession of what appears to be placed beyond his reach. This consider ation may palliate a thoughtless deviation, but it never can sanction indiscriminate murder. Is that mind really humane which can, without remorse, deprive useless and innocent birds of their lives?-The unoffending victims of our barbarity derive their existence from the same great source as we do ourselves, and their organization renders them keenly alive both to pleasure and to pain. They too have their attachments, and their domestic concerns, and we know well how deeply these relations interest us. Upon what principle then do we assume the right of destroying them? It is true, the various beings which inhabit this earth mutually prey on each other, and man, from the great superiority of his intellectual faculties, has a controlling influence over them all. But even he has no claim on their liberties beyond the calls of necessity. Every stretch of power which exceeds these prescribed limits, is an infringement of the laws of eternal justice, and can never be pleasing in the sight of that Being, without whose knowledge not even sparrow can fall to the ground." a We may deplore the atrocities of the powerful, and frame laws to enforce tenderness in our treatment of horses, but these are but points in the circle, circle, and affect not the heart from which the whole springs. Nero was a mild citizen, and Bonaparte was esteemed for the playfulness of his disposition.--Let us learn to practise the great moral precept, to do as we would be done by.--Let us sow early "in the breast the seeds of benevolence, and the produce thereof shall be charity and love." Z. Account of VICTOR HUGUES, late Account of VICTOR HUGUES, late Commissioner of CAYENNE. By PITON. VICTOR HUGUES, born at Marseilles, in France, is about the middle age and size, rather inclining to be fat; his whole appearance is so expressive, that his most intimate and best friends cannot accost him with out fear; his round head is covered with short thick black hair, which stands in all directions, like the serpents of Eumenides; in passion, which is habitual to him, his large thick lips, the seat of ill-humour, make you not wish that he should open them to speak; his forehead, covered with wrinkles, raises or lowers his heavy eye-brows upon his large hollow black eyes. His character is an incomprehensible mixture of good and evil. He is brave, but a Lar to excess; cruel, yet feeling; politic, inconsistent, and indiscreet; rash, but pusillanimous; despotic and cringing; ambitious and crafty, sometimes loyal: his heart brings no one affection to maturity; he carries every thing to excess; although objects strike upon his soul like lightning, yet they leave a strong, marked, terrible impression; he recognises merit, even at the very moment when he oppresses it; he destroys a feeble enemy; he respects, nay, fears, a courageous adversary, even though he triumphs over him: vengeance has raised him many enemies; he easily foresees, and provides for emergencies; ambition, avarice, the he thirst of power, tarnish his virtues, influence all his thoughts, and identify themselves with his very existence; loves nothing, wishes for nothing, toils for nothing, but gold; he sets so high a value on this metal, though he already has abundance, that he would wish the very air he breathes, the nourishment he takes, and the friends who visit him, were all composed of gold: the small portions he has scattered at Cayenne, are like the acts of generosity of the Parnai, or of Mithridates, scattering gold upon the plains of Cisica, to dazzle and retard the conqueror. These great and varying passions are sustained by an indefatigable ardour; a never-ceasing activity, by enlightened views, and means always certain, whatsoever they' may be. Neither guilt nor virtue hinder him from employing both one and the other to serve his purpose, though he well knows the difference between them. Ever fearful of delay, he always lays hold of the first favourable means which offer: he appears to honour atheism, which, however, he only professes outwardly. He has a strong, sound judgement; a most retentive memory; he is a good practical seaman ; a severe administrator; an equitable and enlightened judge, when he only listens to his conscience and his understanding; an excellent man in any crisis of danger and of difficulty, when no great management is required. The inhabitants of Guadaloupe and Rochefontain reproach him with abuses of power, and revolutionary excesses, at which decency and humanity shudder; but the English (and I have been a witness to it) give the highest credit to his tactics and bravery. From a cabin-boy Hugues became a pilot, and afterwards a baker, at St Domingo. At the first insurrection of that colony he went over to France, and was elected a member of the Popular Society, and of the Revolutionary Tribunal at Rochefort; got him self self appointed Agent to Guadaloupe; re-took that Island from the English, and, in all the Antilles, acquired the esteem of that people, and the execration of the colonists. The stormy and unsettled times, amid which he lived, have completely revolutionized his spirit, and a life of peace and tranquillity is to him a sort of anticipated death. His very name was dreaded through the colony; his arrival was looked upon as the coming of a wild beast; the sounds of joy gave place to those of terror and dismay. He was so well convinced of the odium which attended him, that when he was appointed to the command of Cayenne, he got a letter of recommendation from Jeanette, who succeeded him at Guadaloupe, of which, on his arrival, he caused copies to be circulated in every district. The following is a copy of it : "Worthy Inhabitants of Cayenne, lay aside your fears. I know that Citizen Hugues appears terrible in your eyes; but he will restore happiness to your colony; he asks no more of Fortune: he will cause you, by his clemency, to forget the miseries which Guadaloupe experienced under his government. It will be his chief ambition to deserve your confidence and esteem." Most people took this letter for a piece of sarcastic irony, and very few indeed gave credit to it. His policy began to manifest itself on his arrival. He permitted the banished Deputies to visit the island of Cayenne, with proper passports which never had been done by former agents. He even visited their hospital. The government, he said, had ordered him to treat them with attention. He praised those inhabitants who had done acts of kindness to them. He wished, he said, to restore peace and order. He made no change in the system of police, as left by Burnel; because the Consular Government had only appointed him provisionally. He paid off the debts of the colony, and corrected the errors of his predecessor. He gave balls and splendid entertainments. The troops which had disembarked along with him were a mixture of deserters from all nations-men ready to undertake any thing, if the thermometer of politics should again descend to anarchy.Whenever prizes were brought in, he' caused their produce to be shared most equitably. He put the black soldiers on the same footing as the white; new-modelled their discipline, and brought them to perfection: yet, notwithstanding all this, for the first six months he could gain no friends ;' he had even the precaution to get himself praised in some of the Paris journals, that the colonists might see how he was respected in France. It would appear difficult to reconcile the rigorous measures he adopted with the good he has done to the colony; and still less, with the praises which certain journals bestow upon him. He revived trade and commerce, by making himself a merchant. He opened, in his own name, a mercantile concern, in which he sometimes figured as a merchant, and sometimes as an agent, to set what value he thought proper on the different articles. In the course of his long residence at Guadaloupe, he has amassed a considerable fortune. Some say he is not worth less than eighty, or a hundred thousand pounds sterl. most of which, it is said, he has well secured in America; dreading, perhaps, that were he to place it in France, some pretext would soon be found to make him disgorge some of his ill-gotten wealth. Yet, in spite of his activity, he has experienced several losses. Famine visited the colony no less than three times during his agency. He was never disconcerted: he caused the police to be observed with the utmost severity, and kept the negroes in subjection, more by the terror of his name, than by his proclamations. 584 Account of the Rise and Progress of the WAHABEE Power. (From Lord Valentia's Travels. 3 vols. 4to. London 1809.) I T is now above forty years since a new sect started up in Arabia, which has rapidly increased, and is likely to cause a greater change, in the political situation of that country, than any event since the time of Mohammed. Abdul Waheb, a private individual, born, according to Niebuhr, in El Aiane, a town of the district of Darale, in the province of Nedjed-el-Ared, has given his name to his followers, who are from him called Wahabee. This extraordinary man for many years studied the sciences in Arabia; and, after travelling through Persia, and residing for some time at Basra, returned to his native country, and proclaimed himself the reformer of the Mussulmaun religion. The province of Nedjed was at this time divided into a multitude of smaller tribes, each governed by its own Sheik. To these, Abdul Waheb pointed out the abuses which had crept into the Mussulmaun religion, particularly the worshipping of saints, and the use of spirituous liquors and other exhilarating articles. He reprobated the doctrine of the two sects of the Sunnis, with respect to the denying that the Koran was either created, or existing from all eternity, but admitting that it was inspired by God, as a guide for the conduct of mankind. However, as the greater part of the Sheiks were Sunnis, he conciliated them, by acknowledging 'the authority of the sayings of Mohammed. My good friend the Hadje Abdallah, who was avowedly a Wahabee, and was in Mecca at the time it was taken by Suud, gave me their profession of faith, which is as follows::"There is only one God. He is God; and Mohanimed is his Prophet. Act according to the Koran, and the sayings of Mohammed. It is unnecessary for you to pray for the blessing of God on the Prophet, oftener than once in your life. You are not to in-voke the Prophet to intercede with God in your behalf, for his intercession will be of no avail. At the day of judgement it will avail you. Do not call on the Prophet; call on God alone." These doctrines rapidly spread among the different tribes, whose power was nearly equal, and tended gradually to the recognition of a supremely controlling power in the person of the reformer; which completely destroyed the former balance of power, and gave to Abdul Waheb a preponderating influence in the north-east part of Arabia. The Sheiks, who did not acknowledge either his spiritual or temporal power, at length united against him, and under the command of the Sheik of Lachsa, who was alarmed for his own safety, attacked him in his native city. Abdul Waheb defended himself successfully on this occasion; and on another, when his enemies marched against him with four thousand men. Abdul Waheb from this time gradually extended his territories, and his faith. Sheik Mekrami, of Nedjeran, was one of his most powerful followers, and according to the conjecture of Mr Niebuhr, contributed greatly to his prosperity: a circumstance that was confirmed by Hadje Abdallah, who met the Sheik twenty-seven years ago at Mecca, and had much conversation with him. Abdul Waheb was too able a man to leave neglected any means of increasing the activity of his followers: following, therefore, the example of Mohammed, and fully aware of the influence which self-interest has over the human mind, he added to the inducements of religious zeal, the temptation of plunder, by declaring, that all the property belonging to those who were unconverted, was unholy, and to be confiscated. for the use of their conquerors. Numbers, there fore, -- fore, to save their property, professed themselves Wahabee before he marched against them, and immediately began to attack their neighbours, in order to oblige them to change their religion, and give up their property.By these means Abdul Waheb secured to himself the supreme power over the whole province of Nedjed; while, by his most powerful servant, Sheik Mekrami, he carried his hostilities into Yemen. On his death, he was peaceably succeeded in his spiritual and temporal power by his son Abdu luziz. I have not been able to learn the date of Abduluziz's accession, but he reigned till May 1803, when he was assassinated, while at prayers in a mosque at Darail, his capital, by an Arab, whose daughter he had forci. bly carried away from her home many years before. The Arab immediately sold all his property, and with a patient perseverance followed the footsteps of his oppressor, whom, at length, though his spiritual and temporal sovereign, he sacrificed to his private revenge. During the reign of Abduluziz, the religion of his father was extended over the greater part of the peninsula of Arabia, either by the arms of his son Suud, or by his followers. Many Arab tribes of the Great Desert also recognised him as their religious head; and even in temporal concerns, indirectly admitted his authority, by remitting him a proportion of their plunder, for charitable purposes, when they took possession of the celebrated burying place of Hossein at Arbela, and, according to their invariable practice, destroyed his magnificent tomb, so highly venerated by the Persians, and the other followers of Ali. The Sheriffe of Abou Arish had, as I have formely mentioned, been appointed by the Imaum of Sana, Dola of Loheia, where he soon became in. dependent. The different Sheiks, who held many of the districts of August 1809. Yemen under a kind of feudal tenure, which admitted the right of the soil to be in the Imaum, but who hardly paid him any thing for it, were encouraged by the success of the Sheriffe of Abou Arish, and threw off even the appearance of obedience. The Imaum was too weak to conquer them; but they had a more powerful opponent in the Wahabee, who soon reduced the Sheriffe of Abou Arish to obedience, and to the necessity of adopting their religion, plundered him of his whole property, and then told him to go and indemnify himself in Yemen. He followed their advice, or rather orders; and recognising Suud as his sovereign, carried devastation, in his name, to the gates of Mocha. Beit-al-Fakih, and the greater proportion of the coffee country, are his, and Hodeida alone prevents him from securing the Tehama from Loheia to the straits of Babel-mandeb. Altho' this place remain to the Imaum as a possession, it is useless; since the Dola was obliged to burn the town, to prevent the houses from being occupied in the attack on the forts. In the latter his soldiers remained perfectly safe, as the Wahabee had no cannon; but he will probably soon be obliged to embark, and fly to Mocha in search of food, when Mocha itself must expect to be attacked. Mecca and Medina have been so long recognized as the two principal cities of Arabia, that the Wahabee, who aspired to the sovereignty of the whole country, were particularly anxious to secure them. Galib, the present Sheriffe, is a monster of iniquity, having scrupled no means to accumulate treasure, and having poisoned two Pachas, and a young prince of the Maladives, who came in a vessel of his own to Jidda on his way to Mecca. He was of course unpopular, and his subjects by no means inclined to defend him. Even his brother-in-law Mozeife, had so little confidence in him, that on being sent on a mission |