P. 15. If 7 bushels of wheat be more than equivalent to a fack of flour fit for wheaten bread (which we think is the cafe) then the bakers have a latent fource of gain, of which the author of this table feems not aware. The admonition given to Mr. H. at p. 41, is correct. From p. 47 to p. 51, the matter is important. P. 55. The bakers may justly require, that the average fhall be taken from the aggregate quantity of wheat fold. The note, at p. 59, is very remarkable. The habit of the bakers feems to be an inadınifiible reafon. Juftices are required to fet the affize from the price of corn, meal, or flour, in the particular or neighbouring market. P. 60. The allowance to the baker ought not to be abfolutely fettled. For example: more ought to be allowed when wheat is bad than when it is good. P. 64. Dr. N. juftly objects to an exemption of bakers from punifhment, for deficiency in weight, unless the same be afcertained within a number of hours after baking. Their defign must have been to efcape punishment altogether. But, as it often happens in their buftnefs, they have here overdone the thing. P. 69. It is furely very expedient, that the price of fur fhould be fet. P. 77. To the remedy propofed, we would fubjoin a more extenfive encouragement of the growth of wheat, especially by a fteady fyftem of corn-laws. The induftry and judgment of this worthy magiftrate demand our moft cordial approbation; and we hope they will prove highly serviceable to the public, in better times. POLITICS. ART. 37. An Eftimate of the Number of Inhabitants in Great Britain and Ireland. By Sir Frederick Morton Eden, Bart. 93 pp. ・ 2s. 6d. Wright. 1800. The difpleafure expreffed in Scripture against David's enumeration. of the people of his kingdom, arose, no doubt, from the motive which prompted him to adopt the measure, and not from the measure itself. Far from undertaking it on any well founded plan, or prospect of turning it to the advantage of his fubjects, he feems to have been actuated by an ill-founded pride in his political ftrength, which, under his peculiar circumftances, was juftly offenfive to him who was, truly and exclufively, the frength of Ifrael. In itfelf, fuch a measure is, beyond all queftion, not only without blame, but highly meritorious; as it enables us to lay the foundation of all political regulations on the only bafis on which, as human expedients, they can fately reft. Believing, therefore, this great empire to be, in proportion to its population, the moft powerful that either is, or ever was, in the world, we rejoice to fee the most promifing attempts that we believe were ever made, to reduce the knowledge of that population, to every thing short fhort of abfolute certainty. An actual enumeration of the people, under the authority of, and according to, the judicious regulations prefcribed by an Act of Parliament, feems to be going, as far as human wisdom can go, towards removing all doubt and uncertainty. Yet it may be doubted, whether even an actual enumeration, fubject as it must be to various great and infuperable difadvantages, when made, will be more certain, and more to be depended on, than the ingenious deductions contained in the fmall pamphlet now under our confideration. Nor have we any hefitation to declare, that we regard this manly refolution of this refpectable Baronet, to venture his calculations abroad, when there is a certainty of their being fo foon confronted with what moft men will deem pofitive proof and irresistible demonftration, as not only a liberal avowal of his juft confidence in the truth of his calculations, but as one of the fairest appeals to the candour of the public that can be made. Sir Frederick founds his calculations on authentic lifts of baptifms, burials, affeffed houfes, marriages, and population, of a variety of different places, under various circumstances, in various districts of the kingdom; together with another lift of houfes inhabited, houfes uninhabited, and houfes exempted from duty, obtained from the TaxOffice. These are exhibited in several tables, which furnifh the fol lowing refults: 1. That the baptifms are to the burials, as... 10 to tion, as 6. That the affeffed houfes are to the marriages, 1 to 81 43 I nearly 274 1 to 14 78 to 10 7. That the marriages are to the population, as 1 to 139" From thefe data, which are, in moft cafes, the refult of actual enumeration, he calculates, in a manner which to us feems to be incon trovertible, that the number of inhabitants in England and Wales, is 10,710,000; in Scotland, at least 1,500,000; in Ireland, 3,800,000; maritime and military population, exclufive of Indian and foreign corps, 500,000; fo that the total population of the British Isles, is 16,510,000. Amid the many dark clouds that have fo long obfcured, our horizon, we cordially rejoice with the author, that," among all the diftreffes of the times, we have not to deplore a declining population." Sir F. E. reprobates as unwarrantable, if not mifchievous, the la mentations of thofe political economists, who imagine, "that great sities are inimical to the multiplication of the fpecies; that a devouring metropolis drains the country of its inhabitants; that the confohdation of fmall farms leffens the number of cultivators; and that, * In these instances we have taken the liberty of correcting, what appear from the context, to have been errors of the transcriber of printer. Rev. though though trade and manufactures may flourish, the hardy ftock of yeomen and industrious peasants decays. "Deferted villages in Great Britain," he fays, " are now only to be found in the fictions of poetry. The refult of these enquiries, I am perfuaded, will prove (as far as indirect evidence can prove) that our agricultural parishes are better stocked than they were 100 years ago, when induftry had not purged the country of its fuperfluous mouths, and the vifionary evils afcribed to the existence of commer `cial and agricultural capitalifts did not exist,” The caufes of fo rapid an increase in our population within the laft century, are affigned in pp. 82 and 83; and, fpeaking of Scotland, in p. 85, it is well obferved, that, at length, full employment has been found for her people, even in diftricts the most inaufpicious to induf try; on her western coaft, eternally buffeted by the Atlantic, thriving villages, and nurferies for feamen, have been established in places which, before the present reign, were "antres vaft and deferts idle." There the tillage of the fea offers crops more abundant (and in the prefent period no lefs important) than the produce of the earth. Britons have at length difcovered, that colonies may be planted on the fhores and wastes of their own country. They are now generally convinced, that there is no "happier island in the watry walte," than their own; and that in no part of the world have they a fairer chance of bettering their fortunes, than in the cultivated plains and bufy cities of Great Britain; they know that they might feek in vain For feats, like these, beyond the western main.” Davenant, about the clofe of the laft century, had faid, that when we fhould have attained the complement of 11,000,000 men, we fhould be in a ftate of power to deal with any ftrength in Europe. "That we have now attained this " complement of men," fays this ufeful and valuable writer," cannot admit of much doubt; that we are" in a ftate of power to deal with any ftrength in Europe," has been proved by our exertions in the prefent awful conteft: and I trust we fhall long continue, what we now are, "A land that diftant tyrants hate in vain." ART. 38. Letters from Paris to the Citizens of the United States of America, on the System of Policy hitherto pursued by their Government, relative to their Commercial Intercourse with England and France. &c. By Joel Barlow. 8vo. 116 pp. 35. 6d. Ridgway. 1800. The name of Joel Barlow, once of fome little celebrity in the list of the enemies of order, here returns upon us rather unexpectedly, after a long interval. We fhall not refufe to it fuch attention as it may deferve. The chief object of the first of thefe Letters is, to recommend to the American States the maintenance of their fyftem of neutrality, and the prefervation of a free trade, by a new mode of reprifal on all European nations who fhall moleft it. Mr. Joel propofes" a folemn declaration and definition of the rights of neutrality, and a notification" (on the part of the American States} "of their intention, intention, that all property taken unjustly from their citizens, by any power at war, fhould be compenfated by fo much property of the fubjects of that power found within their jurifdiction, whether in the public funds, or in the hands of private debtors. He endeavours to anfwer the obvious objections to fuch a measure, by denying, in the first place, that it will prevent the American merchants from obtaining fufficient credit abroad; and, fecondly, (as to the objection that it would be dishonourable) that it is not more difhonourable than the ufual mode" of fitting out armed veffels, and making reprifals on the property of the nation that has committed the violence." It cannot be expected, that we should enter into much difcuffion of fuch a propofal, from fuch a fource. The American government appears to have thought differently from Mr. Joel Barlow; and, as to the firit point, it may reasonably be queftioned whether, notwithstanding the alledged readinefs of British manufacturers (for nothing is faid as to thofe of any other country) to give credit to American merchants, fuch a declaration would not produce a change in their inclinations and practice. As to the point of honour, or (as Mr. B. objects to that term) good faith, we think it clear, that the credit given by the subjects of one state to those of another, refts on the fecurity which the laws give to foreign creditors. At all events, it is highly unjuft, that any creditor fhould be affected by the confequences of a fuch a declaration, excepting those who have given credit after the declaration took place. Mr. B. in this, and his fecond, Letter to his countrymen, goes into a variety of other topics, principally relating to American politics and finance. In this part we meet, of courfe, with all the hacknied Jacobinical opinions, and the dreams, of modern republican philofophers. That a citizen of America thould be a republican in principle, cannot be matter of furprife or blame; but that a fincere Republican fhould imagine (or fhould have imagined, in the year 1799) that the French Revolution, and others which it has occafioned, are likely to terminate in favour of general liberty, or that "it is owing to the prolongation of revolutionary measures, neceflitated by the ftate of Ea rope," that France has not reduced her theory of liberty to practice, would be fcarcely credible, if we did not know how many perfons in France (and we fear in America) fancy themselves Republicans, when they are, in reality, fupporters of the worst kind of arbitrary power. The Letter to General Washington, on his nomination to the com mand of the American army, attempts to perfuade him, and through him his countrymen, that the French Directory were. " fincerely defirous of restoring harmony between that country and the United States, on terms advantageous to both parties." The reafons for this opinion fhow, indeeed, that the five Gallic tyrants thought they had, in this attempt to bully and fleece the Americans, gone a little ́too far, and that they were then attempting to cajole them; but much ftronger proofs (if indeed any proofs could countervail their infamous treatment of the American envoys) were neceffary to fhow that fuch men had at length become converts to juftice and moderation. After praising the care of a London publisher, to present these valuable Letters to his countrymen, we shall only add, on the general to Y pics of Mr. B.'s Letters, that we with, as heartily as he can, to fee a fyftem of univerfal peace and freedom of commerce established in thể, world. But we are far from thinking that foch improvements can be effected by the means he recommends, combined as they are with the Jacobin fyftem of univerfal revolution. Art. 39. Further Thoughts on the prefent State of public Opinion. Being a Continuation of a timely Appeal to the common Sense of the People of Great Britain in General, and of the Inhabitants of Buckingbarfbive in particular, on the prefent Situation of Affairs. By J. Penn, Efq. 8vo. 185 pp. 45. Hatchard. 1800. We always with to fpeak favourably of works manifeftly written with the best intentions, and directed to the public good; and we think the country highly obliged to gentlemen of cultivated talents, and inė" dependent fortunes, who employ their leifure in obviating the cenfures of modern innovators on our civil or religious polity. This, however, forms but a fmall part of the treatife before us; though it seems to be the principal and ultimate object of the refpectable author. For he fets out, and concludes with condemning the fpirit of cenfure, pre valent in the writings of Voltaire and others; and the intermediate, parts of the tract (which confift chiefly of a defence of Mr. Burke's opinions of the fublime and beautiful) are meant, if we rightly comprehend them, to apply in juftification of the conclufion. In this application, and indeed in the work in general, we think the author too refined, and frequently obfcure. Though we perceive the general object of his reafonings, we do not always feel the force of them. Thofe remarks, however, which apply more immediately to subjects of tafte, are often ingenious, and, to literary men, may be amufing. But Mr. P. must be more perfpicuous and lefs prolix, before he can expect to excite general attention and intereft. SCARCITY. ART. 40. Strictures on the true Caufe of the prefent alarming Scarcity. of Grain, and other Provifions; and a Plan for permanent Relief: bmbly fubmitted to public Confideration. By Alexander Annelley. Wuhan Hiftorical Deduction of the Prices of Provifions; interfperfed, with various Matters connected with the Commerce and Navigation of Great Britain. Together with a Chronological Account of the feveral Statutes, Proclamations, and Parliamentary Regulations, for controuling the Markets, and preventing Monopoly, Engreffing, &c. Sc. From the Norman Conqueft 10 prefent ra. Dedicated to the Right Hon. William Pitt, Chan of the Exchequer. 8vo. 79 PP. 28 Murray and Highley. 1800. A few words in the Dedication of this tract prepared us to expect a confiderable degree of prejudice in the writer. "Famine, in the midit of plenty! scarcity, at a time of unequalled cuberance! And factitious dearth, in spite of fuperior fecundity! now threaten us with all |