nifest that the preferring this accusation at that time, was principally designed to take him off from his command, and thereby to weaken the army, that their enemies might be the better enabled to prevail against them.

Hence it is plain that Ludlow (no friend to Cromwell) considered this charge a contrivance of the enemies of Cromwell in both Houses, to remove him from his command, and probably destroy him and ruin the army: and that Huntington was only their tool in this business, not improbably seduced by his employers from his former friends for that purpose. And there is in Milton's prose works the following passage:-"Whilst he (Cromwell) staves off the enemy at the peril of his life, these (the Presbyterians) accuse him, fighting bravely for them, and amidst the very encounter itself, of feigned crimes, and suborn one Major Huntington against his head. And that accuser, Huntington, unpunished, and left to his own liberty, at length struck with remorse, came of himself and besought Cromwell's pardon, and freely confessed by whom he had been suborned."

There can be no reason to dispute Milton's veracity in this account, and Ludlow evidently considers this business as a contrivance to take off Cromwell. But Dr. Harris, anxious to establish the credibility of Huntington's testimony against Cromwell, concludes his note upon this passage with observing, that Mr. Wood, in his Athenæ

Oxonienses, informs that Major Huntington hated Oliver for his diabolical proceedings, and was hated by him again, so much that he imprisoned him several times. This looks, adds Dr. Harris, not as if he had asked pardon and confessed his fault. That Cromwell should hate Huntington for his baseness is not surprising; and his frequent imprisonment of him has not the appearance of any apprehension on the part of Cromwell of any disclosure he might be thought capable of making to his (Cromwell's) prejudice.

Major Huntington (in this his memorial) affects to have been very much in the confidence of the King, and all the other parties to this negotiation; but it is worthy of remark, and proves his unworthiness of credit, that Sir John Berkley, in his after-given narrative of this negotiation, mentions his name only twice: the first time he mentions him, he says, that upon a conference with the King, he found that His Majesty discovered, not only to him, but to every one he was pleased to converse with, a total diffidence of all the army, except Huntington (as he calls him), grounding such diffidence chiefly upon the other officers' backwardness to treat of receiving any favour or advantage from His Majesty. Huntington therefore appears to have been little more than a messenger from the King in this negotiation, and to have been singled out by him (not for his, Huntington's, credit) as the only officer upon whom the

King could prevail to accept any compensation (or, perhaps more properly, bribe) for these his services. Enough, it is conceived, has been already said in proof of the invalidity of his narrative. But thereto may be added a letter of a Mr. Chidley, in Milton's State Papers, to Cromwell, speaking of Divine Providence having ordered his (Cromwell's) conclusion of the insurrection in Wales, to be upon the very entrance of the Scots, Though contrary (he says) to the malicious expectation of all wicked men, whereof Major Huntington, none of the least, as appeared by his railing book in print against you and your son-in-law, whereof Your Honour may remember that I once gave you an answer, also in print, at that inch of time."

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But the following narrative of Sir John Berkley appears to be a faithful and impartial account of the negotiations between the King, himself, and Cromwell and Ireton, and other principal officers of the Parliament army, for the restoration of the King- -of the King's escape from Hamptoncourt- and of subsequent proceedings during the treaty of Newport.

They commence with stating, that in the year 1647, the Queen and the Prince of Wales sent him (Sir John Berkley) into Holland, to condole the death of the Prince of Orange; and that, having performed that office, he returned with Mr. John and Mr. William Ashburnham to France, by the way of Calais, where they met with the news of

His Majesty being seized by one Cornet Joyce, in Holmby House; from whence he had been carried with a guard of four hundred horse towards the army; the Cornet producing no authority whereby to warrant this proceeding. That the next post informed them that His Majesty was well received by the officers and soldiers of the army, and that there were great hopes conceived, that they would both concur to establish His Majesty in his just right.

That Sir John was sent into England by the Queen, to assist the King in this negotiation, accompanied by Mr. William Legge, of the King's bed-chamber.

That two miles on this side Tunbridge, they met with Sir Allen Apsley, who had been his (Sir John's) Lieutenant-governor of Exeter, and afterwards Governor of Barnstaple, who told him, that he was going to him (Sir John) from Cromwell, and some other officers of the army, with letters, and a cypher and instructions, which were to this effect: That he (Sir Allen Apsley) should desire him (Sir John Berkley) to remember that, in some conferences with Colonel Lambert and other officers of the army, upon the rendering of Exeter, he (Sir John) had taken notice of the army's bitter inveighing against the King's person, as if he had been the worst of men, and their excessive extolling the Parliament; both which being without any colour of ground, he (Sir John) had concluded

that those discourses were not out of any persuasion of mind, but affected to prepare men to receive the alteration of government, which they intended that the Parliament should effect, by the assistance of the army; which he (Sir John) had said was not only a most wicked, but a very difficult, if not an impossible design, for a few men, not of the greatest quality, to introduce a popular government, against the King and his party, against the Presbyterians, against the nobility and gentry, against the laws established, both ecclesiastical and civil, and against the whole genius of the nation, that had been accustomed for so many ages to a monarchical government: that, on the other side, if they would but consider, that those of their party had no particular obligations to the crown, (as many of the Presbyterians had,) and therefore ought less to despair of His Majesty's grace and favour; that the presbyter began this war upon specious pretences of making the King a glorious king: that, under that pretext, they had deceived many well-meaning men, and had brought great things to pass; but that now, the mask was taken off, and they were discovered to have sought their own advantages, and, at the same time, that the power to do themselves much good, or much hurt to others, was now almost wrested out of their hands; and that this had been done by the independent party, who could esta-blish themselves no way under Heaven, so justly