delity can boast no triumph. How he came to imbibe so bitter a hatred against Christianity is quite conjectural: yet his frequent perusal, and enthusiastic admiration of many French writers, decidedly sceptical, and his intimacy with certain learned contemporaries of the same opinions, supply a probable reason for attributing to such instruments either the implantation or establishment of his baneful prejudices. In every attack upon the object of his malignity, whether secret or open, he seems impelled by a desire to inflict a mortal wound, unknowing that, in this instance at least, the seat of vitality is the fountain of Divine life, and that his existence will be commensurate with eternity. Still we do not find that his infatuation displayed itself so preposterously as that of David Hume, who, in the illness which terminated his earthly career, pleased himself with imagining a conversation that might take place between him and Charon. Not many sceptics possess fortitude or levity enough, to meet the king of terrors with a complacency undisturbed by any gloomy apprehensions arising out of the uncertainty of their future prospects. "Will toys amuse when med'cines cannot cure?" Doubtless they may, when one reputed wise can prefer fables to realities in the awful moment of nature's dissolution. The celebrated professor Porson, commenting on the character of Mr. Gibbon, justly observes: "he often makes, where he cannot readily find, an occasion to insult our religion, which he hates so cordially, that he might seem to revenge some personal injury." The account of our historian's conversion from the Protestant to the Romish church, and his subsequent return to the pale of the former, will obtain for him but a small reputation of piety. Versatility discovered the shallowness of his convictions, and his conduct in the succeeding stages of life, proved him an equal enemy of both churches.

The condescension and easy familiarity of Mr. Gibbon inspired confidence and respect in all around him. Though his circle of acquaintance was extensive, he acknowledged only a few friends; to them he showed a fervent affection under every vicissitude, and deplored their loss with a pathos that demonstrated the sincerity and strength of his attachment. His conversation, perfectly divested of constraint, was at once agreeable and instructive; and, notwithstanding the greatness of his mental researches, an ostentatious display of superior talent he was always careful to avoid. As an orator, he appeared unambitious to shine; during the whole time he occupied a seat in parliament we have no mention of his speaking once.

Considered as an historical writer, Mr. Gibbon is unquestionably of eminent rank; but he would have been more commendable, if he had acquired the power of adapting his language to the nature of his subject, passing with facility from a bold and dignified strain, into the minor graces of narrative and simple detail. His fondness for French authors had imperceptibly led him to adopt their poetic and figurative style, and he describes the puerile transactions of his youthful days, in the same splendid manner as he records the fates of kingdoms, and the triumphs of warlike chieftains. But the pen of criticism has been sufficiently exercised, upon former occasions, in pointing out some defects, and eulogizing the great and numerous excellences of our celebrated Author: it is hardly necessary that the task should be renewed.

The Work, again submitted to the public, has, for a long period, been universally acknowledged as remarkable for great depth of research and accuracy of information; and, in these respects, it will never cease to be regarded as an invaluable fund of historical knowledge, suited to all ages and countries, and calculated to afford both pleasure and instruction to the statesman, the philosopher, and the scholar.

THE

HISTORY

OF THE

DECLINE AND FALL

OF

THE ROMAN EMPIRE.

CHAPTER I.

The Extent and Military Force of the Empire in the Age of the Antonines.

In the second century of the Christian era, the empire of Rome comprehended the fairest part of the earth, and the most civilized portion of mankind. The frontiers of that extensive monarchy were guarded by ancient renown and disciplined valour. The gentle, but powerful influence of laws and manners had gradually cemented the union of the provinces. Their peaceful inhabitants enjoyed and abused the advantages of wealth and luxury. The image of a free constitution was preserved with decent reverence: the Roman senate appeared to possess the sovereign authority, and devolved on the emperors all the executive powers of government. During a happy period of more than fourscore years, the public administration was conducted by the virtue and abilities of Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, and the two Antonines. It is the design of this, and of the two succeeding chapters, to describe the prosperous condition of their empire; and afterwards, from the death of Marcus Antoninus, to deduce the most important circumstances of its decline and fall; a revolution which will ever be remembered, and is still felt by the nations of the earth. The principal conquests of the Romans were achieved under the republic; and the Emperors, for the most part, were satisfied with preserving those dominions which had been acquired by the policy of the senate, the active emulation of the consuls, and the martial enthusiasm of the people. The seven first centuries were filled with a rapid succession of triumphs; but it was reserved for Augustus, to relinquish the ambitious design of subduing the whole earth, and to introduce a spirit of moderation into the public councils. Inclined to peace by his temper and situation, it was easy for him to discover, that Rome, in her present exalted situation, had much less to hope than to fear from the chance of arms; and that, in the prosecution of remote wars, the undertaking became every day more difficult, the event more doubtful, and the possession more precarious, and less beneficial. The experience of Augustus added weight to these salutary reflections, and effectually convinced him, that, VOL. I.-B

by the prudent vigour of his counsels, it would be easy to secure every concession, which the safety or dignity of Rome might require from the most formidable barbarians. Instead of exposing his person and his legions to the arrows of the Parthians, he obtained, by an honourable treaty, the restitution of the standards and prisoners which had been taken in the defeat of Crassus.(1)

His generals, in the early part of his reign, attempted the reduction of Æthiopia and Arabia Felix. They marched near a thousand miles to the south of the tropic; but the heat of the climate soon repelled the invaders, and protected the unwarlike natives of those sequestered regions. (2) The northern countries of Europe scarcely deserved the expense and labour of conquest. The forests and morasses of Germany were filled with a hardy race of barbarians, who despised life when it was separated from freedom; and though, on the first attack, they seemed to yield to the weight of the Roman power, they soon, by a signal act of despair, regained their independence, and reminded Augustus of the vicissitude of fortune. On the death of that emperor, his testament was publicly read in the senate. (3) He bequeathed, as a valuable legacy to his successors, the advice of confining the empire within those limits, which nature seemed to have placed as its permanent bulwarks and boundaries; on the west the Atlantic ocean; the Rhine and Danube on the north; the Euphrates on the east ; and towards the south, the sandy deserts of Arabia and Africa.(4)

Happily for the repose of mankind, the moderate system recommended by the wisdom of Augustus, was adopted by the fears and vices of his immediate successors. Engaged in the pursuit of pleasure, or in the exercise of tyranny, the first Cæsars seldom showed themselves to the armies, or to the provinces; nor were they disposed to suffer, that those triumphs which their indolence neglected, should be usurped by the conduct and valour of their lieutenants. The military fame of a subject was considered as an insolent invasion of the imperial prerogative; and it became the duty, as well as interest, of every Roman general, to guard the frontiers intrusted to his care, without aspiring to conquest which might have proved no less fatal to himself than to the vanquished barbarians.(5)

The only accession which the Roman empire received, during the first century of the Christian era, was the province of Britain. In this single instance the successors of Cæsar and Augustus were persuaded to follow the example of the former, rather than the precept of the latter. The proximity of its situation to the coast of Gaul seemed to invite their arms; the pleasing, though doubtful intelligence of a pearl fishery attracted their avarice ;(6) and as Britain was viewed in the light of a distinct and insulated world, the conquest scarcely formed any exception to the general system of continental measures. After a war of about

(1) Dion Cassius (1. liv. p. 736), with the annotations of Reymar, who has collected all that Roman vanity has left upon the subject. The marble of Ancyra, on which Augustus recorded his own exploits, asserts, that he compelled the Parthians to restore the ensigns of Crassus.

(2) Strabo (1. xvi. p. 780), Pliny the elder (Hist. Natur. 1. vi. c. 32. 35), and Dion Cassius_(1. liii. p. 723, and l. liv. p. 734), have left us very curious details concerning these wars. The Ro mans made themselves masters of Mariaba, or Merab, a city of Arabia Felix, well known to the Orientals (see Abulfeda and the Nubian Geography, p. 52). *They were arrived within three days'tjourney of the Spice country, the rich object of their invasion.

(3) By the slaughter of Varus and his three legions. See the first book of the Annals of Tacitus. Sueton. in August. c. 23. and Velleius Paterculus, 1. ii. c. 117, &c. Augustus did not receive the melancholy news with all the temper and firmness that might have been expected from bis character.

(4) Tacit. Annal. 1. ii. Dion Cassius, 1. lvi. p. 833, and the speech of Augustus himself, in Julian's Cæsars. It receives great light from the learned notes of his French translator, M. Spanheim.

(5) Germanicus, Suetonius Paulinus, and Agricola, were checked and recalled in the course of their victories. Corbulo was put to death. Military merit, as it is admirably expressed by Facitus, was, in the strictest sense of the word, imperitoria vertus.

(6) Cæsar himself conceals that ignoble motive; but it is mentioned by Suetonius, e. 47. The British pearls proved, however, of little value, on account of their dark For additional notes, see end of this volume.