chard Temple, which bore a striking refemblance to a very recent tranfaction of a name-fake of his, which he recommended as a pattern for his friends to follow.

Gen. Rofs related a conversation which he had lately had with a Noble Earl, fuppofed to be in the intereft of the prefent adminiftration. The Noble Earl told him, he had feen his name in a lift that was handed about, of gentlemen fuppofed to be friends to the difcarded minifters. His reply was, that he had given no person authority to infert his name in any lift whatever. He was a plain man, very willing to ferve his King, whom he had already ferved for thirty-eight years, at the expence of fome of his blood, and was ready to ferve him again, when called upon in the way of his profeffion; but, as a member of parliament, he would pursue his own judgement, and very probably he might vote against the prefent miniftry. The Noble Lord then told him, that whoever fhould vote against them would be looked upon as the King's enemy. He was fo hurt at this, that he refolved to lay the affair before the House, though he withed not to give up the name of the Noble Lord.

Lord Maitland hoped the Hon. Gentleman, if he would not give up the name, would at least tell the House, whether the Noble Lord has any place under the crown.

Gen. Rofs replied, that he had, as he is a Lord of the Bedchamber. This created an uproar, and the name of Lord Galloway waspresently whispered through the House.

Mr Lee (late Attorney-General) rofe in great heat. He faid, his family had always been friends to the Brunswick family, and his blood ran warm at the very name of the Princefs Sophia; yet his love for that family did not extinguish his love for the conftitution. He defended his expreffion relative to a charter being only a piece of parchment, with a piece of wax dangling to it. He fpoke, The faid, comparatively. What was a charter, when compared with the falvation of thirty millions, and the prefervation of an empire, but a piece of parchment, with a piece of wax dangling at the end of it?

Mr Rigby had heard, he faid, that if minifters fhould be left in a minority, parliament would be diffolved. He de

clared he did not believe it, till he had heard the Chancellor of the Exchequer deliver his fentiments; and now he had not a doubt of it, unless the House fhould frighten the minifter out of his intentions by numbers on the divifion. The wording of the King's anfwer was conceived in terms that an Old Bailey or a Newgate folicitor would be afhamed of. Why did not the minifter speak out? Was he afraid of the Houfe he was about to diffolve? Was he afraid to tell the nation what he thought of their reprefentatives? It was a poor equivocation in the minifter relative to what his friend had faid for him, obvious to the meaneft capacity. He then adverted to the late refolutions of the Eaft-India Company. If they were to be the bafis of the minifter's new bill, he muft call it the most wretched of all the half meafures he had ever heard of.

Lord Frederick Campbell was defirous of feeing the new India bill, but without pledging himself to fupport it.

Mr Frafer faid, he would readily hazard his property, his life, and every thing dear to him, for the family on the throne; but no undue influence should ever make him vote contrary to his judge

ment.

The Houfe divided on the order of the day, Ayes 232, Noes 193; majority againft the minifter 39.

Immediately after the divifion, the Houfe went into a committee on the state of the nation; in which Mr Fox moved a string of resolutions, as follows.

Resolved, 1. That it is the opinion of this committee, that for any perfon in his Majefty's treafury, exchequer, &c. to iffue any public money for services already voted by this Houfe, unless the ufual bill for appropriating the fums voted for fervices fhould pass into a law before any diffolution or prorogation of parliament, would be a high misdemeanour, &c.

2. That there be laid before the House an account of all fums iffued for public services from Dec. 19. 1783 to Jan. 12. 1784.

3. That no more money be iffued on the credit of a vote of the House, until the above account fhall be laid before the Houfe, nor for three days after.

4. That the chairman be instructed to move the Houfe, that the mutiny-bill be read a fecond time of the 23d of Febru→ ary next.

Objections

Objections having been made to the third refolution, Mr Fox, to fhew that he had no intentions to with-hold the fupplies, gave it up; and, on his faying he had no more refolutions to move,

Lord Surry rofe to trouble the committee with two, which were in fubftance:

1. That, in the present fituation of his Majefty's dominions and adminiftration, it is abfolutely neceffary that the mini. ftry should enjoy the confidence of that Houfe, and of the public.

2. That the late changes in his Majeity's government were preceded by general and alarming reports; that his Majefty's facred name had been used for the purpose of influencing the deliberations of parliament; and the new appoint. ments were attended with new and extraordinary circumstances, by no means tending to conciliate the confidence and fupport of parliament.

Mr Dundas moved an amendment to the firft, which, after some debate, was negatived.

The fecond refolution pointing fo directly against the new miniftry,theirfriends of courfe opposed.

Mr Dundas moved, that the chairman do leave the chair, report progrefs, and alk leave to fit again. On this motion a debate and division took place :

For the chairman to leave the chair 142, againft it 196.

Lord Surry's motion was then carried without a divifion. The Houfe was refumed, and the different resolutions were reported; after which, Mr Pitt prefented the King's meffage relative to the accommodation of the Heffian troops from America, who being prevented entering the Wefer by the ice, were there fore obliged to be landed and quartered at Chatham; and then moved an addrefs of thanks to his Majesty, for his gracious communication.

The House, at a quarter before feven in the morning, adjourned to Wednefday.

Mr Pitt, Jan. 14. rofe, and bespoke the attention of the House. The motion he was about to make, was for leave to bring in A Bill for regulating the Territorial Concerns in India, which, he hoped, after a fair and candid inveftigation, would be found lefs exceptionable than that which bad lately failed in its progrefs through parliament. A moft refpectable part of the House had indeed

given their voice to that bill. He doubted not of the support of those gentlemen to the present bill, if they should find it properly adapted to effect the great end which the nation wished to fee accomplished. To find fuch a bill per fect in its first formation, no gentleman could expect. He relied on the candour of the House to correct its deficiencies. He had heard the late resolutions of the India Company talked of. He was happy to learn, that that refpectable body of men were not averse to the measures he was about to pursue. It was his wish to preferve inviolate thofe facred rights with which that Honourable Company was vefted. He defired not to annihilate the confidence in public fecurity. The bill which he was unfolding refpected three things; the happiness of individuals in India;-the Company's commerce; -and the effect which wife laws for the government of India would have on the profperity of G. Britain. The former bill was calculated to disturb the happiness and tranquillity of the ftate, by the vaft patronage it gave to the commiffioners whom it had created: it was the intention of the present to grant no fuch patronage. By the former, all places, civil and military, were at the disposal of the seven commiffioners: by the prefent, the Company is left in poffeffion of the appointment of their own commercial fervants. Mr Pitt remem bered the vaunting language which had been held by certain gentlemen, of halfmeatures, of which they said he was so fond. Half-measures he did, in the prefent cafe, prefer greatly to fuch meafures as those that had been adopted on a late fimilar occafion. Thofe, he confeffed, were no half-measures. They were complete and radical. But he was not fo bold; he was content to bring about the defirable end he had in view, by compounding matters with the Company. One of the most difficult points in framing of his bill, he faid, was to determine how the government of the territorial concerns of India could be feparated from the commercial interefts. He did not fee how it was poffible to feparate them: but the powers that were to be granted to a new board, to be compofed of the most responsible men in the kingdom, would qualify them to anfwer all the purposes of their eftablishment. It was indeed often very difficult to determine when an occurrence be

longed

longed to the political or the commercial departments; but as the new board would be impowered to put a negative on every proceeding of the Company of which they did not approve, they could extend that privilege alike to both; and whenever they fufpected that any proceeding, which was carried on under the name of commerce, involved any thing that might affect the territorial concerns of the state, they would have a right to put a negative on the proceeding. And with regard to all difpatches to be fent out to India, the new board would be impow. ered to examine and put a negative on thofe alfo, provided they did not meet with their approbation. To expedite the government in India, this bill was to veft the appointment of the governor-general of Bengal, Madras, and Bombay, together with the commander in chief, in the hands of the King. Two of the members of the fupreme council were to be chofen by the new board, and two by the Company; all inferior officers to be chofen, as formerly, by the Company. To the government of Bengal the bill allowed very extenfive powers; but that of declaring war it referved to be confidered at home. The members of the fupreme court of judicature were to be filled by a judge in one of his Majefty's courts in Westminster. It was his with, that the governor and council should rise by regular fucceffion, as that would be a means of gaining more experience to fill up places of high truft. With respect to the Zemindars, he was anxious that their rights fhould be tenderly guarded; and that effectual means fhould be used to prevent all manner of depredations, fraud, and injuftice. He enlarged upon this for a confiderable time; and concluded with befeeching the Houfe to be candid in comparing the prefent bill with that which had been rejected by the Houfe of Lords.

Mr Fox took notice of the comparison which Mr Pitt had drawn between the former India bill and that which he was now speaking of. The one, he faid, was the bill of the House of Commons, the other the bill of the Rt Hon. Gentleman; and yet that Gentleman did not fcruple to oppose his to the bill of the Houfe of Commons, as if his wifdem were equal to the collective wisdom of that refpect. able House. The Rt Hon. Gentleman had talked of the creation of a new power in the former bill. He denied it.

That bill had only taken power from a fet of men who knew not how to use it, and lodged it with a clafs of men whofe wildom was unquestionable. Half-meafures had alfo been a topic for the Rt Hon. Gentleman's declamation. If ever there was an inftance of a half-measure propofed to the British parliament, it was by the Rt Hon. Gentleman this day. If it had been wanted completely to embarrass the affairs of India, no set of men could poffibly have devised a measure better adapted to the purpose than the bill under confideration. He fubmitted to the good fenfe of the Houfe to judge of the ability of a government founded on the fluctuating fate of British politics. What man in his fenfes would chufe to accept a place of refponfibility abroad, when, by the changes of minifters, he might be removed from his of fice before he arrived at the feat of his appointment? The Rt Hon. Gentleman had entered into the description of his measure with a great and animated triumph, because he stated himself to have the fanction of the proprietors. The whole fecret of that transaction he was in poffeffion of. There were 1400 proprietors, and the Rt Hon. Gentleman had the fuffrages of 250. He would leave it to the candour of the Houfe to fay, if his bill was the bill of the proprietors! Mr Fox went through the bill propofed by Mr Pitt with his ufual acuteness; and obferved, that if a scheme of infufficiency, feebleness, and inaptitude, had been given to Mr Pitt for an exercife, he could not have produced a more glaring inftance of incapacity than the bill which he had exhibited. The elections of the great officers of the India government should be permanent. With in two years there had been four Lord Lieutenants of Ireland. He wished to apply the cafe to India. If the appointment was in the crown, and not perma nent by act of parliament, as his bill proposed, what would inevitably be the confequence? The Rt Hon. Gentleman had stated one claufe in his bill, that fome of the principal officers were to rife by feniority and fucceffion. It was by that, no doubt, that the Rt Hon Gentleman himself had arrived to the dignified station he now filled! Mr Fox digreffed to the attempts that had been made, during the recefs, to seduce the members of that House; and was severe on the perfons employed in that bufi

nefs.