faction," and my optics were jaundiced with discontent. I could not read the political sky. Our wise rulers, easily believing what they wished, and foreseeing their own fall in a fresh war, would give no ear to any arguments on that head. Nay, when they received certain intelligence of the violence intended by Spain, and saw that her actions corresponded with the language and pretensions of her ambassador, they would not believe. Had one risen even from the dead, they would have remained infidels. Where their interest is concerned, they will be deaf and dumb and blind. Their benumbed faculties betray the stupor of ideots. Notwithstanding the repeated warnings they had received of the hostile dispositions of Spain, they lay plunged in the most supine security. They attended to nothing but their amusements and their libels, until at length your garrison, which was driven from Falkland's island with the yoke of a capitulation about their neck, knocked at their door, and told them it was war. Then, at broad noon-day, they opened their eyes, as if they had been surprised at midnight; and, like men between sleep and awake, they ran about in hurry and dismay, crying out war, and begging peace; bullying, and submitting: striking their heads against every thing they met; incapable of distinguishing foes from friends; till at lengthlike a poor skipping, fidgetting, fascinated squirrel, that jumps for refuge into the mouth of the rattle-snake- they concluded their wild, inconsistent efforts, by taking France

their mediator. To the mediation of France they seply, in order to accommodate our differences with Spain. Str: when this is the manner in which they consult the hour and dignity of Great Britain, why should we wonde that the speech from the throne does not convey to this Fanse as much intelligence as may be collected from a zamma newspaper? These fugitivé essays, which die almos soon as they are born, and hardly equal in duration the late at the ephemeron fly, communicate more knowledge that the master-piece, the annual specimen of our ministers the art of government and rhetoric. Indeed, how

II

should they not, when it is equally deficient in grammar, elegance, and sound sense? Every thing, Sir, contributes to make us form a despicable opinion of administration. They have, for this year past, acted as if all Europe promised the profoundest tranquillity, as if all our enemies were lulled asleep; and yet it is evident, from the king's speech at the opening of the last session, that they apprehended war. What more is wanting to prove that their whole conduct is but a chaos of contradiction, ignorance, and wandering? That I may not be accused of making a false charge, I beg that you will desire the clerk to read that part of the speech to which I allude. [This clause was accordingly read.]

The Address was agreed to without a division.

POWER OF THE ATTORNEY GENERAL TO FILE INFORMATIONS EX-OFFICIO.

November 27.

AN important debate took place this day in the House of

Commons, on the motion of Mr. Constantine Phipps, "That leave be given to bring in a bill to explain, amend, and render more effectual the act made in the 4th and 5th of William and Mary, intituled, An act to prevent malicious informations ' in the court of king's bench, and for the more easy reversal of outlawries in the same court.'" The intention of the proposed amendment, was to restrain certain powers lodged in the hands of the attorney general, which enabled him to file informations, and carry on prosecutions ex-officio, without the interference of a grand jury, or going through the usual and established forms observed by the courts in all other cases. Some recent instances of the exercise of this power, in the carrying on of prosecutions for libels, had been the cause of much popular complaint and discussion without doors, and were

1. Cenwal, Mr. Serjeant Glynn, and Sir Herbert Mackpposed by Mr. Welbore Ellis, Mr. Attorney GeJe drey, Mr. Solicitor General Thurlow, and Mr. Wed

poke to the following effect:

Je corects now under our consideration, seem to areat importance, and to deserve something saa sieht vote. I will, therefore, with the leave of leavour to throw some light on the subject. men, Sir, have dwelt with a kind of secret ♥ and satisfaction on the high antiquity of the eneral's power of filing official informations. bet before our eyes in every engaging light, the reverence which it has derived from the sa

ness and the venerable rust of ages. The tas subsisted and flourished most during the exhis power. Why, then, quarrel with it at the ure, when it is likely to prove most beneficial? y that there is no weight in this reasoning, be il not say that there is any question without its Most questions have, like Janus, two faces; ye view only one of them, you may, with a little make your favourite side assume a pretty fair appearance. Something of this legerdemain is see on the present occasion. While the opposers of accu celebrate the flourishing state of the monarchy, g the existence of this power, they forget to prove to towed that happiness to the attorney general. Sr, it is the fate of narrow minds and confused heads, to mustake one cause for another, and to make nature as great a chaos as their own brain. Were it necessary, we might easily trace the flourishing state of the monarchy up to other causes, and demonstrate by facts, that this institution retarded rather than accelerated its growth: but there is wo occasion for fetching such a tedious compass; arguments engh have been already advanced to prove it unconstitu tal and incompatible with liberty. What can be a clearer

evidence of its having never benefited the kingdom? Thesame arguments which prove it now prejudicial, prove it prejudicial ever since its commencement. But what if it should be shewn not to have the sanction of antiquity? Sir, I have enquired among others into this point; but fortune has not been favourable to my diligence. I have not been able to trace it into the darkness and obscurity of remote ages: nay, I have found it to be modern, and as it were of yesterday. Far from fixing it as high up as Edward the Third, I have been obliged to come much farther down from the source. The words "matter of record," which have been quoted, did not mean official informations. Bracton, who is allowed by all to be a good authority, mentions "actions popular," which, I apprehend, were founded on these expressions: but "actions popular" were not the same as official informations; and in short I have, upon the minutest enquiry, been forced to allow them but a modern date.

Thus then it appears, Sir, that the opposers of the motion cannot take refuge under the wings of antiquity: they are beat out of the entrenchments of Gothic rubbish, under which they hoped to remain impregnable. Whither now will they fly for shelter? To a majority of voices: in these alone, not in argument, will they prove victorious. If we have any discretion, any shame left, we must agree to this motion, and either totally abolish or modify the attorney general's power of filing official informations. Were there no other argument for this measure but that single one advanced by the opposer, that the office is odious and suspected, it would, in the opinion of any sober man, be sufficient. For as all government was originally instituted for the ease and benefit of the people, no establishment, which gives them nothing but uneasiness, can be approved by a wise legislature. Let it then be cut off from the constitution as a rotten limb, which escaped the notice of our forefathers in the hurry and precipitation of the Revolution. But we are not pressed by necessity! There is no complaint of any late abuse of this power! This I flatly deny.

ted before the

any, was only isher and others, sought to justice? es malice. Almon had measures not very agreeshed certain journals, some people high in office buried in eternal oblivion. for these acts of temerity. zus slender twig.. But what make use of the strange verThe only cause which the sie to carry against libellers, he From him we learn that the ustable to the people, that it does rposes for which it was intended. gh to induce us to abolish or mowe do not suppose, with some who will justify the court at all are corrupt, and that the courts of sation are blameless. For I must

three propositions must be true, s libels as we have lately seen could

*** equished.

So se no reason for supposing that the A very dregs of corruption, that they

sander and detraction, and love to

AMY mers. It is not long since they MALA & her guilty even at the suit of the attorArts Ir the reign of George the Second, no such - were received from juries, even when a

igion aged in the very heart of the realm, Gerwent was suciently respected to maintain its auShebbene was without any difficulty punished

sonment and pillory; and many other delinwewe more chsssad by the lash of the law. Even so late beginning of his present majesty's reign, when the