He observed on the present crisis of Great Britain, that it was lamentable in the extreme. He said, he had that day examined the state of our funds, and found that the three per cents. consolidated stood at 714; and he begged leave to contrast that with the state of the same fund in January 1760, the fifth year of a war with the united House of Bourbon, when they were 79. In the latter instance they were 79, when we had funded 23 million; and in the former they are 71, when we have funded five million. He continued to observe on the present mode of raising supplies: he said he would consider its propriety in two separate points of view; first, whether it was in respect of expence the most economical; and secondly, whether it was in respect of strength the most effectual. He considered the first expence of raising a regiment to be about 5,000l. So much we receive, supposing that the supplies flow from the voluntary gift of the subscribers. They are embodied in separate corps, habited, maintained for the war, discharged, and placed upon the half-pay list, all which, calculating the amount of half-pay at ten years' purchase, would cost us 30,000l., so that we in reality receive 80,000l. as there are 16 regiments offered, to pay 480,000l. That this was economy worthy the people who contrived it he was well convinced; the offer received was a seeming advantage, but an actual loss; for wherever there was occasion for multiplying the supplies granted by parliament, it was most economical to raise them in separate corps, while the battalions already raised wanted more than one-half of their war establishment, as it brought a double charge of officers both on full and half-pay, which charge constituted the expence, amounting, as he said before, to 30,000l. for each 5,000l.

So far as to the economy. As to the efficacy, he would only observe, that in our former wars, it was held prudent and expedient to advance the battalions from their peace to their war establishment, which was nearly double, mingling thereby the new with the veteran troops, and adding to the strength of the one the experience of the

other. This, he said, was the practice of former times; it was so done last war, and, as we were crowned with conquest, he would not believe that it was wrong, nor would he adopt any other mode in preference to it. He observed, ironically, that of all the expedients used by a skilful ministry towards redeeming public credit, none was ever more truly deserving of attention, or more worthy of applause, than the present. A charitable subscription was begun for the relief of the distressed American prisoners, and the ministry nobly caught at the contrivance, envied the small contributions made to relieve the distress themselves had occasioned, and opened the strings and the mouth of a subscription-bag for the treasury. Convinced as they were, that the country would no longer be induced by interest, to hazard their money in subscribing towards loans, secured by government, they applied to their benevolence, and, like a beggar asking a boon, received charitable donations from the pity-disposed people of this country. He said the noble lord in the blue ribbon reminded him of Pericles, who, exhausted with misfortune, wasted with disease, and lingering with pain, walked abroad, bedecked with amulets, charms, and saws of old The loan now unfilled and unpaid, was his disease; and the charitable contributions of his friends were his amulets and charms. He was ready to grant, that voluntary donations might be fairly interpreted, as proofs of a people's affection, but they were no less so of their real poverty. Private and public life exhibited pregnant proofs, that solicitations on one hand, or benevolences on the other, were the common effects of pride, poverty, and pity. Persons might be mean from choice, naked from meanness; but rags discovered an involuntary meanness, or a poverty willing to be concealed. It was true, that France, during the late war, in 'the midst of her national distresses, was assisted by the people, who delivered up their plate for the public service. This was a glorious instance of national patriotism, but it was likewise a proof of national poverty.

women.

The mention of the last war must recal to the minds of every person present, the most disagreeable and humiliating ideas, and fill the House, as well as nation, with regret. He then contrasted the state of this country at present, and at the period alluded to, in the most striking point of view; and said, that what added a particular aggravation to the nature of our misfortunes was, that every wicked, weak, or blundering measure was sanctioned under the name of the constitution; every thing that was transacted in parliament, cabinet, or elsewhere, was sheltered under that venerable name. The use this word was lately employed in, brought to his recollection Dean Swift's application of Whitshed, a prostitute Irish crown lawyer's motto on his coach, "libertas et natale solum," which would be applied by every man according to his own ideas, or as his interest led him. Just so with the noble lord; the idea annexed to the word 'constitution' by him was very different to its true import in a limited monarchy. He might mention it as often as he pleased, and ring the changes upon constitution, constitutional, &c.; but he might as well expect that his garter would preserve him from the gout, or his ribbon expel a fever, as imagine that to prostitute the word constitution would prevent an investigation into his conduct at some future period.

MR. BURKE'S MOTION RELATIVE TO THE MILITARY EMOF INDIANS IN THE CIVIL WAR WITH

PLOYMENT

AMERICA.

February 6.

IN pursuance of the notice he had given,

Mr. BURKE rose, and moved, "That an humble address

pleased to give directions, that there be laid before this House copies of all papers that have passed between any of his majesty's ministers and the generals of his armies in America, or any person acting for government in Indian affairs, relative to the military employment of the Indians of America, in the present civil war, from the 1st of March 1774, to the Ist of January 1778.

Mr. Burke began by observing, that one of the grand objects of the enquiry into the state of the nation, was the conduct and quality of the troops employed in America. That an account of the king's regular forces, and those of his European allies, were already before them. That hitherto no account had appeared of his irregular forces, particularly those of his savage allies; although great dependence had been placed upon them, and they had been obtained at a very great expence. That it was necessary to examine into this point; because an extension of their mode of making war had lately been strenuously recommended. The prevailing idea was, that, in the next campaign, the plans hitherto pursued were to be abandoned; and a war of distress and intimidation was to take place of a war of conquest, which was now found to be impracticable.

He said, that this mode of war had already been tried upon a large scale, and that the success which had hitherto attended it would afford the best evidence how far it might be proper to extend it to all our troops, and to all our ope

* Strangers were excluded during this debate. Mr. Burke spoke for nearly three hours and a half. Many gave the speech a preference to any other he had ever spoken. Indeed, this applause was carried to such a pitch, that while one gentleman, in his place, wished it to be printed, and affixed to all the church-doors which contained the proclamation for a general fast, a member of great distinction congratulated the ministers upon admitting no strangers on that day into the gallery, as the indignation of the people might have been excited against them to a degree that would have endangered their safety. It is to be regretted, that a full report of this speech was never preserved. See Annual Register for 1778, p.110.

rations. That if it did not promise to be very decisive as

plan merely military, it could be attended with no collateral advantages, whether considered with respect to our reputation, as a civilized people, or to our policy in regard to the means of reconciling the minds of the colonies to his majesty's government.

He then stated what the nature of a war, in which Indians were the actors against a civilized people, was; and observed, that the fault of employing them did not consist in their being of one colour or another; in their using one kind of weapon or another; but in their way of making war; which was so horrible, that it not only shocked the manners of all civilized nations, but far exceeded the ferocity of any other barbarians that have been recorded either by ancient or modern history. He observed, that the Indians in North America had but two principal objects in their wars; the one was the indulgence of their native cruelty, by the destruction, or, if possible, the extermination of their enemies; the other, which always depended on the former, was the glory of acquiring the greatest number of human scalps, which were hung up and preserved with the greatest care in their huts, as perpetual trophies of victory, conquest, and personal prowess. As they had neither pecuniary emoluments, nor those honorary titles or distinctions, which are so flattering in civilized nations, to bestow, the rewards of danger and warfare consisted in human scalps, in human flesh, and the gratifications arising from torturing, mangling, roasting alive by slow fires, and frequently even devouring their captives. Such were the rewards of Indian warriors, and such the horrors of an Indian war!

He then proceeded to shew, that the employment of the savages in the wars between the French and the English, did not in any degree come up to the measure in question, nor did it stand on the same principles. When those nations first made settlements in North America, the Indian tribes were, comparatively, numerous and powerful states;