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feamen of our fhips of war more active and diligent in looking out for, and feizing the fhips of France; and if the taking of any be an advantage, or will conduce to a peace, furely the more we do take, the more advantage we shall have, the more it will conduce to a peace. That both these effects would flow from our giving all prizes, as foon as condemned, to the captors, is fo certain from the nature of things, and was fo fully confirm ed by experience in the laft war, that it cannot with ary colour of reafon be denied; and confequently we may be affured, that both would immediately flow from our agreeing to this motion.

But now, Sir, with regard to the confequences of our difagreeing to this motion, how muft it deprefs the fpirits of those seamen that are already in the public fervice, how unwilling muft it make every feaman to enter into the public fervice? Will any man of common fenfe willingly do fo, when he finds he can expect nothing but the poor wages al lowed by the public; and that at a time when he is fure of having double the wages by continuing in the merchant-fervice? Gentlemen may perhaps chufe to disagree to this motion by means of the previous queftion; but our brave and blunt feamen do not understand fuch language. When they hear of fuch a motion's having been made, and not agreed to, they will conclude, that it was rejected; and confequently will fuppofe, that our minifters are refolved to carry on this war in the fame manner they have begun it, without any formal declaration of war, in order that they may have an opportunity to enrich themselves by the prizes that are taken; nay, as all prizes would in fuch a cafe belong to the crown, I am afraid, left our feamen fhould carry their fufpicions higher than our minifters. God forbid ! any of them fhould ever fufpect, that his Majefty intends to enrich himself by a war. Those who know his generous and bountiful nature, can have no fufpicion; but our feamen can have no fuch knowledge; and therefore, in duty to our fovereign, we ought to agree to this motion, in order to prevent their entertaining any fuch fufpicion. VOL. XIX.

In gratitude likewife, Sir, to our feamen, we ought to agree to this motion. To them this nation owes that internal tranquillity which it has for fo many ages enjoyed. By them we have, for fo many ages, been protected from those inroads of hoftile armies, which other nations have often been expofed to. It may be truly faid, that ever fince the invafion of the Danes, our internal tranquillity has never been difturbed but by civil broils amongft ourselves. And they deserve this encouragement the more, as the wages allotted them by the public are but very fmall, and as their condition of life is harder, and the dangers they are expofed to are greater, than those of any other fort of military men. They pafs a greater part of their life in a fort of prison; and even in the moft peaceable times they are expofed to the dangers of the fea. The wages even of our fea-officers are but very inconfiderable. A fea-lieutenant, when out of commiffion, and upon half-pay, has but 2 s. a-day, which is 361. 10. s a-year. How many of our civil officers have higher wages, or a greater falary, without being ever expofed to any danger? and yet our fea-lieutenants are, by his Majefty's orders, to rank with a captain of foot. Therefore, in juftice as well as gratitude to our feamen, we ought to give them every other advantage in our power.

After having thus answered every objection that has been made to this motion, and given fuch strong arguments for our agreeing to it, I hope, Sir, it will not be faid, that it proceeds from a French party in this house, as has been faid without doors of thofe who happen not to approve of every thing that has been done, or left undone, by our minifters. Nay, an infinuation has even been printed and published, that 250,000 1. had come from France, for creating an oppofition to the wife measures of our minifters [xviii. 69.]. But I am fo far from being angry at this freedom, though it may juflly be called licentious, that I am glad to fee the prefs fo free. It makes me recollect what I have fomewhere read of one of the greatest generals of the Athenian commonwealth, who was Сс

accused

accused by a most low and abject citizen. Though the accufation was falfe, he was fo far from refenting it, that he rejoiced at it, and faid, he was glad to find that he had fo well established the liberties of his country, that an accufation might be brought by the meanest citizen, against the greatest man in the republic. I hope this will always be the cafe in this country: for though it may be fometimes neceffary to punish licentiousness, yet even licentioufnefs itfelf ought not, I think, to be ever fo feverely punished, as may incroach upon the liberty of the prefs. This indeed will never happen, I believe, when the licentiousness is directed against thofe who are in oppofition to minifters of ftate; but there is fome danger when it takes a contrary direction; and therefore even the punishment of licentioufnefs is an affair that may fometimes deferve the attention of this house.

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The speech of Cn. Fulvius, who spoke next. Mr Prefident,

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Owever contemptibly fome gentlemen, from an affectation of popularity, may talk of fear; yet I hope they will not fay, that it is confiftent with common fenfe to be afraid of nothing; therefore I fhall never be ashamed to own, that I am afraid of involving my country needlessly in any war and though I have as good an opinion as any man ought to have, of the power of my native country, and the courage and vigour of my countrymen, yet I fhall never be ashamed to own, that I am afraid of acting in such a manner, as may unite feveral powerful nations against us, when, by holding a different fort of conduct, we may prevent any fuch union. Whilft we fit quiet and fafe in this houfe, gentlemen may talk in a high ftrain of national strength and courage, and of the contempt we have for our enemies: fuch a way of talking is fure to be attended with the applaufe of the populace; and I fhall grant, that those who are only to act, can never have too high an opinion of their ftrength and courage, or too great a contempt for their enemies: but thofe that are to direct, may

err in both these respects; and fuch an error has often been the cause of the deftruction, both of themselves, and those under their direction. Therefore whatever way gentlemen may affect to talk in this houfe, I hope those who have the honour to be of his Majefty's council will take care never to form too high an opinion of our own ftrength and courage, or too mean an opinion of the ftrength and courage of those who are, or are like to be our enemies; and as we in this houfe are one of his Majefty's great and fupreme councils, this care is, I think, a duty incumbent upon every gentleman who has the honour of a seat in this affembly.

If we do our duty in this refpect, Sir; if we maturely and carefully examine all circumftances, I believe we shall find, that the French are not fuch contemptible people, as to induce us, in prudence, and without regard to justice, to involve ourselves in a war with that na

tion, if it can with honour be avoided ; and if it cannot with honour be avoided, I am fure, we ought to take all poffible care not to furnish a pretence to the allies of France, for thinking that we are the aggreffors: therefore I must think, that, during this whole debate, gentlemen have never once confidered the importance of the monofyllable now; and yet it is the hinge upon which the very marrow of this debate must turn. If a war fhould enfue, or if his Majesty was convinced, that there was no longer any room to expect redress or fatisfaction by treaty, I fhall grant, that fome fuch bill as this would be neceffary: but the question is, if it be now neceflary? If it be not now neceffary, the ordering of fuch a bill to be brought in, can do but very little good, and may do a great deal of harm. All the good pretended to refult from it, is that of its inducing fome of our feamen to enter voluntarily into his Majesty's fervice. Gentlemen who fuppofe that this would be any great inducement, must have a very different opinion of our common feamen from what I have. They must fuppofe them to be a very thoughtful, confiderate fort of men, and fuch as are

ready

ready to give up a small present advantage I am afraid, that, in a war between for a very great and future advantage France and us, feveral of the nations in expectation; whereas I have always in Europe would think it their interest taken them to be the most thoughtless, to join with France, notwithstanding the inconfiderate fet of men in the kingdom, greateft preparations we could make; and fuch as have lefs regard to futurity, because in the chances of war they would I mean in this life, than any other fort look upon the odds to be on the fide of of men whatever. But fuppofe that this France: and therefore, in all our dif would be an inducement to fome fea putes with that nation, it is prudential men to enter voluntarily into his Maje- in us, to conduct ourselves fo as to confty's fervice, could it have any great ef- vince every nation in Europe, that, if a fect in a few weeks, or in two or three war fhould enfue, it is not owing to inmonths? which, in my opinion, is the juftice on our fide, but to ambition on longest time we can be in fufpenfe as to the fide of France; for as this would of peace or war. I am almost certain it course ftir up the jealousy of the other would not; and I am the more certain, powers of Europe, they would either because I believe there are now no fea- ftand neuter in the war, or be ready, for men unemployed in the British domi- the fake of their own preservation, to nions. They are all employed, either in join with us, if the chances of war should our navy or the merchant fervice; un- turn very much against us. lefs it be fuch as are just returned from a voyage, and have their pockets full of money; and these you cannot expect to enter, whilst they have a fhilling left in their pockets. For the cause of our want of feamen at prefent, as well as upon every like occafion, is not owing fo much to their unwillingness to enter into the King's fervice, as to never having a fufficient ftock of feamen, at the eve of a war, to fupply our trade and our navy: nor is it poffible, I think, to prevent this being always the cafe, by any other method but that of keeping a very large number of feamen in conftant pay and employment, in time of peace as well as

war.

Therefore, Sir, the utmost advantage we can expect by ordering any fuch bill to be brought in, a few weeks, or a few months, before it may become neceffary, is both uncertain and inconfiderable; but the harm it may do to this nation is, I think, certain, and may be attended with utter ruin; confequently it requires no great skill in the doctrine of chances, to determine what ought, in such a cafe, to be done. I fhall grant, Sir, that the judgment of nations, as well as of private men, is pretty much governed by what they take to be their intereft; but whilft France takes care to prevent her neighbours conceiving a jea. lousy of a too great increase of her power,

To prevent this, Sir, is the true cause of that patience which has been hitherto fhewn by the court of France. They look upon themselves, I fear, with too much juftice, as an overmatch for any one nation in Europe; therefore the only thing they have to fear, is that of raifing fuch a jealoufy of their power and ambition among their neighbours, as may produce a confederacy against them. This is the only nation in Europe from which, fingly and alone, they have any thing to fear; because they can attack us no way but by fea, and upon that element we are as yet fuperior to them; though in the courfe of a long war, by good conduct, and a few accidents in their favour, they may become fuperior to us even at fea. However, as this would be tedious, dangerous, and expenfive, they are ufing all their art to perfuade all their allies, that we are the aggreffors, in order to get them to join against us. How are we to prevent the fuccefs of the French in this attempt? Not by doing what we ourselves think we may justly do, for vindicating of our poffeffions and our rights in America; but by doing no more than what the allies of France think we may justly do: and from hence every one must be convinced, that if we had begun a war with France in the manner chalked out by the Hon. Gentleman in this debate, we CC 2

should

fhould probably have had one half of Europe united with France against us; and no one will suppose, that, in fuch a cafe, we could for one year have preferved our fuperiority at fea, confider ing the great number of fhips of war we must always keep at home, for protect ing our trade and preventing an invafion. We find, Sir, that what we have as yet done, has not had the effect which the French expected and wished for; we find, that our seizing the French fhips, and our endeavouring to intercept the troops they send to America, have not made any ally of France look upon us as the aggreffors: but I fear we are up. on the verge of the precipice, and that one ftep further would make us drop into the gulf of perdition. Even the allies of France are now mediating between us, and endeavouring to prevail with that court to agree to reasonable terms of accommodation. What would they think, fhould we, whilft they are thus employed, order fuch a bill as this to be brought in? I am perfuaded, that they would look upon it not only as a hectoring menace against France, but as an affront to themfelves. Nay, I am afraid, they would begin to look upon us as real pirates, which the French have been representing us to be at every court in Europe: for as yet they confider our feizing the fhips of France as done with no other views but fuch as we really had; which were, That we might have fomething in our hands to reftore, in cafe honourable terms of peace fhould be offered; and, 2. That we might poffefs ourselves of fome thousands of French feamen, which in case of war might be employed against us. But if we should order thofe fhips to be appropriated to the captors, moft foreign courts would begin to think, that we had feized thofe fhips without any other view but that of gain, which is the proper character of pirates.

Thus, Sir, it is evident, that our agreeing to this motion might be attended with the most dangerous confequences, with regard to our foreign affairs. And with regard to our domeftic, it is really what we cannot in juftice do, at

least so far as relates to the ships already taken. The property of them is alrea dy vefted in the crown; and every one knows, that we never pafs any bill by which the property of the crown may be affected, without having first had the confent of our fovereign fignified to us by meffage. Nay, we never pass a bill by which the property of any private man may be affected, without making good to him the damage or loss he may thereby fuffer. Our agreeing to this motion would therefore be a trespass upon prudence, as the fhips taken before a declaration of war, are often in whole or in part applied to make good the damage private men had fuffered by what occafioned the war, or they are restored upon a renewal of peace. Thus the fhips taken from the Spaniards in 1739, before the declaration of war, were partly applied towards making good the damage which our merchants had fuffered by their depredations; and the fhips taken from them in the year 1718, were reftored upon the renewal of peace in 1721. Nay, fome French ships that had been feized by our fhips of war, on pretence of their being Spanish, before the declaration of war between France and us, in 1744, were reftored, even during the continuance of the war, upon its having been made appear that they were truly French fhips. Therefore I muft think, that it would be inconfiftent with prudence to enact, that the property of all fhips taken before the declaration of war, should become vested in the captors, as foon as war fhould be declared, and the fhips condemned.

Having thus fhewn, Sir, that our agreeing to this motion can do little or no good, but may do a great deal of harm, and that our paffing fuch a bill as this would be inconfiftent with both juftice and prudence, I am for following the example fet us by a former minifter. He was againft paffing fuch a bill as this in the year 1738, because it was not then neceffary; but he was for it in 1739, because it was then become neceffary: and he was probably for its going the length of the third reading, to prevent any oppofition being made to it when it

fhould

fhould become neceffary. But as this laft circumstance cannot now serve any purpofe, we have no occafion to take up our time with preparing and reading any fuch bill, until it does become neceffary. So that my conduct at this time does not properly differ from the conduct of that great minifter, whom I shall always be proud to imitate, and fhall never be ashamed of having been one of his conftant friends. Whatever fome gentlemen may be pleased to fay of the character of that minister, I wish they would not make quite fo free with the character of parliament, in his time. To talk of a venal majority at his beck, in parliament, may teach the people without doors, to think at least, if not to talk, of a venal majority in our prefent parliament. That minifter, it is true, had a very great influence for many years in parliament; but it proceeded from the rectitude of his meafures, and his abilities in explaining them to the house. He was always for keeping his countrymen in peace, if poffible; and we cannot boast much of what we have got by war fince his refignation. From what had before happened to him, we know, indeed, that there may be a venal majority in parliament; for he innocently fuffered by one: and I wish we had never had reafon to fuppose that there may be a factious majority in parliament; for they are equally dangerous to our conftitution; but the latter is by far the most dangerous to the peace and fafety of the kingdom.

The fpeech of Julius Florus, who spoke next. Mr Prefident,

I

Never before observed, that any monofyllable was of great confequence in our debates, except the two famous ones which, like the ultima ratio regum, determines every matter that happens to be contested in this houfe; and, like that too, is very often, on one fide, the only reason that can be given. But in this debate, it feems, the monofyllable now is of equal confequence with the monofyllables aye and no. If it be, Sir, I must ask the Hon. Gentleman who lays fo great a ftrefs upon it, whe

ther we ought to prepare for war before we declare war? If he answers by the important monofyllable aye, he must grant that the important monofyllable now is in favour of the bill proposed; as nothing more is thereby defigned, but a method of preparing for war which experience has taught us to be both proper and neceffary. Surely, Sir, we ought to have our navy as fully and as well manned as poffible before we declare war; and every one muft grant, that both the courage and fidelity of the feamen who enter voluntarily into his Majefty's fervice, is more to be depended on than the courage or fidelity of those who are preffed into the fervice. Is it not then now necessary for us, as we are upon the very brink of a war, to take every method that can be thought of for encouraging able and expert seamen to enter into his Majefty's fervice? Will any one say, that our feamens having a chance to enrich themselves by captures, is not an encouragement for them to enter into his Majesty's fervice? Will any gentleman who has the honour to be of his Majesty's council, ftand up in his place, and declare to the house, that fuch terms of accommodation have been offered as may, with a little amendment, prevent an open war?

But why fhould I fay, Sir, prevent an open war? An open war is already begun: the French have attacked his Majefty's troops in America, and in return his Majefty's fhips have attacked the French King's fhips in that part of the world. Is not this an open war? The ceremony of a declaration of war may be neceffary for giving notice of the rupture to neutral powers, but it can no way be neceffary for giving notice to either of the contending parties to prepare for defending themselves, or for annoying the enemy. By the law, as it now ftands, a declaration of war is indeed neceffary for giving our feamen a certain and legal right to any fhare of the captures they have already made, or may hereafter make; I fhall most readily grant, that they have not in strict law a right to any, even the fmalleft fhare of the prizes they take: but this is the

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