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tuguese, and formed many offenfive alliances with the neighbouring princes, he fuddenly invaded the territories of his friend, and took Allabeg, a place of great strength and importance. He next feized upon Hanarey, a small island near Kenerey, where he established a fishery. After many ftruggles between Angria and this prince, a treaty of peace, offenfive and defenfive, was made between them; the principal article of which was, That Angria, in confideration of holding quietly all he had conquered, fhould attempt to conquer no more.

Angria having now founded a new kingdom, and being acknowledged as a fovereign by the neighbouring powers, became formidable even to the Mogul; with whom, after many battles with various fuccefs, he concluded a peace. The European nations also thought it their intereft to enter into treaty with him for the fecurity of their trade, which it was so much in his power to annoy. A treaty was concluded with him by England in 1715, after an unfuccefsful attempt both against Geriah and Kenerey by a very confiderable naval force, with a numerous army on board, under the command of Gov. Boone.

Angria having foon after violated this treaty, as he did every other, another fquadron was fent against him from England, under the command of the late Adm. Matthews, in 1721. But this expedition was rendered unsuccessful by the treachery or timidity of the Portuguefe, who had engaged to affift Matthews with troops from Goa, but did not fulfil their engagement.

In 1734 Connagee Angria died, and was fucceeded by Sambajee Angria, his fon; who added to his hereditary dominions, and became the terror of all his neighbours, particularly the South Raja. Sambajee Angria died in 1745; and leaving no children, he was fucceeded by Tulagee Angria, his brother, from whom Geriah his capital is now taken. This man is now about forty years of age, about five feet ten inches high, of an olive complexion, and a bold afpect. His dominions extended from Bombay, to Manlo, a fea-port, diftant about 120

miles fouth, and they extended 76 miles in length. He had the ports of Zivanchi, Antiguria, Dabul, and South Rook, befides his islands of Kenerey and Hanarey, and his forts of Allabeg and Golaby. He generally kept up an army of 30,000 Caffrees, Seapoys, and Topaffes, and as many Morattes as he could feduce from their allegiance to the South Raja, their fovereign. His gunners and fea-officers were mostly renegado Europeans. He had a large train of artillery, befides the cannon of his forts and fhipping, and twelve elephants. His ifland of Kenerey, is diftant nine. miles from any part of the continent; all the north, fouth, and weft parts, are rocky; but to the eastward there is a fine fandy cove, which the caftle fronts, flanked by two bastions on each fide, mounted with fix guns each, from which any boat attempting to land, may be funk with great furety.

Fort Geriah has an excellent harbour, in which the tide rifes and falls as regularly as in the river Thames. This harbour is one of the best upon the coaft, and the fort might be rendered almost impregnable. The island of Golaby had a ftrong fort mounting forty-four guns.

Allabeg lies between Golaby and Choul, about fourteen leagues from Bombay, and ten miles from Choul.

The naval force of Tulagee Angria confifted of about fifteen grabs, which carried fix and nine pounders, and a great number of men at small arms; five ketches, two fhips of 40 guns, and about 40 galleywats, and other small

craft.

Tulagee Angria has withheld his tribute two years; and when the South Raja fent to demand it, he flit the ambaffadors nofes, and fent them ignominioufly back. The South Raja thus. outraged, fent laft winter to Bombay, to defire the English would join him, to deftroy Angria; and has ever fince ravaged his country, and blocked up his ftrong holds by land. The English promifed to affift; and in October 1755, Adm. Watfon left the Coromandel coaft with his fquadron; and coming to Bom bay to refit, informed Governor Bour

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Vol, xix, chier, he was ready to act against Ang- of truce hung over the walls, we marchria; and, whilft things were preparing, ed towards the garrifon : but as foon as fent his first lieutenant, Sir William we were got to the bottom of the hill Hewitt, in an armed veffel, to found the near the fort, they fired upon us; though harbour of Geriah, and make proper ob- they killed only one man, and wounded fervations. And great part of our fuc- an officer in the fhoulder; on which we cefs was owing to his difcoveries. On retreated to our former ground. Col. February 6. 1756, the land-forces im- Clive then went on board the Admiral, barked, confifting of 700 European fol- to concert measures for another attack. diers, 300 Topaffes, or black foot-fol- On this a fignal was hung out for the diers, and 300 Seapoys, under the com- line of battle fhips only, and the bombmand of Col Clive. On the 7th, the ketches, to renew their fire; which was fquadron fet fail from Bombay; and continued with fuch fuccefs for three joined the Moratta fleet, confifting of hours, that the enemy capitulated: upthree or four grabs, and forty or fifty on which a company of our foldiers took galleywats, commanded by Narypunt, poffeffion, and hoisted the British flag on in a creek to the northward of Geriah, the ramparts. But when the fort was called Rajipour, where stood a small fort, furrendered, the Morattes attempted to which they had juft taken from Angria. take poffeffion of it before us; which On the fhore lay incamped the Moratta had they done, a very small part of the army, confifting of 5000 foot and 4000. plunder would have fallen to our lot. horfe, under Ramajeepunt. Here Ang- And this they would have effected, but ria had been treating to furrender the for the gallant behaviour of Capt. Forfort to the Morattes who had been fent bes, who commanded the company sent against him by the South Raja, upon to take poffeffion of the fort. He drew certain private ftipulations; but endea- his broad fword, made his men face to vouring to go by land from Geriah to to the right-about, and fwore by his Golaby, he was taken by a detachment maker, that he would cut the Moratta of their army, and was at this time pri- general's head off, if he offered to adfoner amongst them, having left his bro- vance a step further: which so terrified ther-in-law in the command of the fort. him and his men, that, without further moleftation, he left Capt. Forbes to take poffeffion of the fort.

When the Admiral arrived off the harbour, on the 11th, he fummoned the caftle to surrender; but was answered, they would defend it to the utmoft; and having great reafon to fufpect treachery from the Morattes, as they had not yet offered him any affiftance, he stood in to the harbour in the afternoon of the 12th. The fort fired brifkly about half an hour; but the inceffant fire from our hips and bomb ketches, not only leffened their fire, but deftroyed the houfes. At four o'clock the fignal was made to ceafe firing; which raised the fpirits of the enemy, and encouraged them to renew their cannonade On this the bloody flag was hung out, and we continued firing till fix o'clock; at which time a flag of truce was fent on fhore, expecting the garriton would furrender Atnine o'clock our troops landed a mile and a half from the fort, and were joined by near 10,000 Morattes. In the morning, fecing the flag

Before the fort surrendered, a shell féll into the Restoration grab, which Angria had taken from our company, by which accident his whole fleet at Geriah was foon in a blaze, confifting of eight grabs, one fhip, a great number of galleywats, and other small craft.

The

In the fort were 250 iron and brafs cannon of all fizes, and a prodigious quantity of ammunition and provifions, of rich goods, and fome money. garrifon confifted of about 300, though there was near 2000 in the fort; and Angria's mother, two wives, two children, and brother-in law, are among the prifoners; who have been treated by the Admiral with generofity and humanity. In filver rupees we have found about 100,000 1. and in other effects near 30,000 l.; but we are searching in expectation of a great deal more, so that I

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hope we shall share very confiderably in the plunder of this notorious pirate. We releafed eight English, two Scotch, and three Dutchmen from imprisonment in Geriah, who had been taken in several veffels by Angria. [xviii. 522.]. G. M. Some account of the answer, written by the author of the Four letters to the people of England, to the pamphlet, intitled, The conduct of the miniftry impartially examined [xviii. 544]

S the defence of the miniftry is

gazettes, and hitherto uncontradicted, than to any pretended letter, unauthen ticated, and produced by a minifterial writer for a minifterial purpose: alled-l ging, that as minifters know, that the parliament may require the papers of their tranfactions to be laid before them, the face of a negotiation is made, by memorials and orders to ambassadors, to reprefent fomething very different from the fecret fprings and feeret manner of accomplishing the bufinefs.

A chiefly an anfiver to the charge following argument.

brought against them in the Fourth letter to the people, this is chiefly a fupport of that charge, in reply to the anfwer.

The charge brought against the miniftry, in the fourth letter, for tacitly giving up our right to the contefted part of America, by foliciting instead of demanding the release of three men who had been imprifoned by the French for trading on the Ohio, is obviated in the defence, by producing two letters from Lord Albermarle, and part of a memorial by him delivered, in which the imprisonment of thefe men is cal led an unjust proceeding, and their release and reftitution of their goods is DEMANDED as matter of right. But the charge is fupported in the answer, by producing the following extract from the French memorial of justification.

"The Marquis de la Jonquiere fent thefe four men to France; and being fome time detained in prifon at Rochelle, they implored the protection of Lord Albemarle, the British ambaffador there; and Lord Albemarle soLICITED their liberty, WITHOUT COM

PLAINING OF THE MOTIVES UPON
WHICH THEY HAD BEEN DEPRIVED OF

IT. Upon this folicitation his Moft
Christian Majefty not only ordered them
to be discharged from their confinement,
but directed fome money to be given
them; for which Lord Albemarle re-
turned, THANKS to the minifter of the
marine AS A PERSONAL FAVOUR DONE
TO HIMSELF."- -The writer of the
answer infifts, that more credit is due
to this memorial, figned by the French
minifters, published in all the foreign

:

He alfo fupports his affertion by the The French, if they releafed the prifoners in confequence of a demand, as a matter of right, admitted by this very act, that their goods alío ought to be restored; but of their goods no reftitution is pretended to have been made, though the French cannot be fuppofed to withhold what they had acknowledged to be our due; it follows therefore, from the non-reftitution of the goods, that the releasement of the prifoners was asked and granted as a favour and upon this fuppofition, and this only, it is eafy to account, not only why the goods were not reftored, but why no farther application was made about them after the prifoners were released, the truth of this fact being too notorious to be contefted. Befides, it is equally notorious, that the three men who were retained at Canada, feized at the fame time, and on the fame account, were never released; as they certainly would have been, if the court of France, by releafing the others on a demand, had acknowledged them to have been unjustly confined.

This writer alfo infifts, with respect to the grant to the Quaker, which in the defence is denied, that though it be true, that no order has yet been made on application of the Ohio company for a fettlement of limits, yet lands had been granted; for if lands had not been granted, there could be no fuch thing as an Ohio company; and to conclude, that because the company had fued for a fettlement of limits, that therefore they had no grant, is juft as abfurd as to conclude, that becaufe two neighbouring

gentlemen

gentlemen quarrelled about the boundaries of their eftates, therefore one or both of them had no eftate at all.

In answer to that part of the defence which is written to prove, that the war was begun with alacrity, and carried on with propriety and vigour, it is obferved, that no attempt which the French have made, either in Europe or America, has been fruftrated; and that no attempt made by us has fucceeded, notwithstanding it is admitted by the author of the defence, that we had a fleet which was thought fufficient both for defending ourfelves and difappointing our enemy. It is alfo infifted, that the ill fuccefs of our cruifes arofe from their destinations being injudiciously directed; and that for this the miniftry only is anfwerable, as their orders to admirals and commodores are always explicit, to cruife between two fpecified latitudes and longitudes, as near as the longitudes can be known: and that the escape of the French fleet through the ftreights of Belleifle ought to have been foreseen, and guarded againft, according to the defender's own account, who admits, that fingle veffels were known to have paffed it, and therefore it was paffable for a fleet, which is under no neceflity of failing abreaft; and however dangerous the paffage might be, the navigating it was known to be a more probable means of fafety, than the navigating any other part of the fea in which our fleet might intercept them, and for this reafon their chufing this paffage was a probable event.

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It is denied that the fame plan which was fuccefsfully purfued in the laft war was adopted in this; becaufe, during the last war, no fhips were fent to cruife on the banks of Newfoundland in the foggy months; nor was the Mediterranean left deftitute of a force fufficient to protect Gibraltar and Mahon.

It is alfo infifted, that the capture of the French merchantmen before war was declared, was a cruel and unjuftifiable measure, which has rendered us odious to all Europe, and was not of fufficient importance to prevent the fuccefs of any attempt which it might

provoke the French to make against us. It is added, that our treatment of the captives it yet more cruel and infamous than the capture, the privilege of feeding them being let out from one to another, till, inftead of 6 d. allowed by the government, 3 d. only is paid to the perfon that actually furnishes these wretched prifoners with food; which, as it must be furnished at a price fo low, can be but little better than poifon; fo that, by unwholfome provifions, clofe confinement, and putrid air, they are fuffered to perifh, without redress, and without pity. [xviii. 98.]

The affertion, That by this attack on the French trade, the home insurance is raised to more than 50 per cent, is denied; and it is affirmed, that the infurance was never more than 40 guineas; and the fafety of our own trade is so far from having been fecured, that when the merchants have applied for ftronger convoys, they have been refused, with falfe accounts of the enemy's force; the effects of which has been fuch, that the approaching fpring will demonstrate our trade to have fuffered much more than that of the French.

In answer to the pretence, That the expedition to the weftward was intended to intercept Salvert and La Motte, as well as Du Guay, whom it was fuppofed they would join; it is fhewn, that the junction of Du Guay with Salvert and La Motte could not be fuppofed without the groffeft ignorance and abfurdity. Du Guay was at Lifbon; La Motte and Salvert were to go from Louifburg to Breft; Lisbon was 136 leagues diftant from this course; and Ďu Guay, as if he had not been fufficiently out of the way, failed to Cadiz, which was zo leagues farther out of the way both in latitude and longitude. Yet from this particular alone the ministry fuppofed a junction with the northern fquadrons to be intended,

That, allowing our fleet to be fa weakened by ficknefs, as not to furnish the proper equipments, this very fickness was the effect of criminal negligence: it was the effect of forcing men to fea who had never been used to that element, of

the

the want of ventilators, and of good provifions.

But that a fquadron might have been fent time enough to preserve Minorca, appears even by the very attempt to fhew the contrary; because it is allowed that there was a fufficient number of fhips for this fervice ready victualled and manned, under failing orders; and as no foreign fervice could be equally preffing with the prefervation of Minorca, because no other place was equally in danger, nothing more was neceffary, than to recal thefe failing orders, and fend the fleet that had been deftined to other lefs neceffary fervice, on this.

It is alfo alledged, that the fhips which were faid to be neceffary for the defence of our own coafts, might as well have been at Mahon as where they were. By lying at Spithead they gave the m-e m- -r an opportunity to go on board, and hoift his flag for one day, [xvii. 306.], and then, as an admiral abfent upon leave, receive a thoufand pounds per annum ever fince; but they could not prevent an invafion from Flanders and Picardy, in fmail craft; and the fmall craft in the French ports furnished the pretence for dreading an invafion. An invafion from France in fmall craft can never come but from the neareft ports; and the wind that would have brought them from these ports to the coast of Kent, Suffex, or Effex, would have prevented the fleet at Spithead from oppofing them. A fleet in the Downs only could have prevented the invafion that we were taught to expect; but as there was a fleet at Spithead, where it could not act, there was no fleet in the Downs, where it could.

It is faid in the defence, that if 15,000 Frenchmen had landed, the confequence might have been fatal, even to our capital; but it is remarked in the anfwer, that this once opulent and powerful ifland, containing two millions of men able to bear arms, must be reduced very low indeed, if 15,000 Frenchmen could force their way to our capital, and produce fuch fcenes of rain as cannot be conceived without horror.

The fuggeftion, That the French fleet

at Toulon might fail through the freights of Gibraltar, and either fuccour the colonies in North America, or invade Minorca, is fhewn to be without any foundation in probability; the veffels for tranfporting the troops that were affembled there, were fuch as were only fit for the fmooth feas and fhort voyages in the Mediterranean, and were no more fit for the Atlantic ocean than a wherry.

The affertion, That Mr. Byng's fleet was well manned and equipped, is alfo fhewn to be falfe; as he had neither ftorefhip, firefhip, nor hospital-fhip; and feveral of his veffels, particularly the Intrepide, was not fit for the fea. Galiffonniere, on the contrary, whose fleet is faid to have been manned with old men and boys, was at the time of action in a very different condition; for fuppofing him to have been ill manned when he left Toulon, he had the ableft failors from two hundred transports to take on board his fleet.

But as it is now too certain that Mi norca is loft, this writer afferts, that it was not intended to be kept, for the following reafons.

1. The general and fubaltern officers of the regiments at Mahon, to the number of fixty, were fuffered to remain in England during the whole time of the equipment at Toulon.

2. An offer of 6000 troops by the Modenese minifter, for the defence of St Philip's, was refused.

3. No reinforcements of any other troops was fent, notwithstanding the application and remonftrances of Gen. Blakeney on that head. And

4. Two HUNDRED AND SEVENTY FOUR THOUSAND POUNDS Sterling was remitted to Mirepoix from France, just before he left this kingdom.

Such is the fubftance of the answer to the defence of the miniftry: and upon this occafion we hope our readers will obferve, that we flate what is faid on each fide, without entering into the merits of the cause which either has efpoufed; leaving the facts al ledged by both, to fland on fuch proofs as they have brought to support them, and leaving the public to determine on which fide the ba lance of evidence turns. Gent. Mag.

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