their measures tend this way. Who can tell, that one of the 200 that fell into their hands in the last month near Ticonderoga [426.], has been spared? And is not every news-paper ftill ftained with the innocent blood of women and children, and of unarmed fufferers, who were ploughing their land, or gathering in their harveft on our frontiers ? To what a pitch of perfidy and cruelty is the French nation arrived! Would not an ancient Heathen fhudder with hor ror, on hearing fo hideous a tale! Is it the Moft Chriftian King that could give fuch orders? Or could the most favage nations ever exceed fuch French barbarities! Befides this, was it ever known in the Pagan world, that terms of capitulation were not held inviolably facred! Surely, if any nation under the heavens was ever provoked to the most rigid feverities in the conduct of a war, it is Ours! It is hard for an Englishman to kill his enemy that lies at his feet begging his life: but will it not be ftri&lyjult, and abfolutely neceffary, from hence. forward, that we, for our own fecurity and felf-prefervation, and to prevent the further hedding of innocent blood, make fome fevere examples of our inhu man enemies when they fall into our hands? Will not our armed men be obliged for the future to reject all terms of capitulation, and not to ask quarter? but, on the contrary, to fell their lives as dear as they can! Confider of it, my countrymen, take advice, and fpeak your

minds."

"Fort Edward, Aug. 15. In the morning of Aug. 9. the garrifon of Fort WilliamHenry held a council of war; and finding no fuccours could be expected time enough, and having burft their two 32 pounders, two 18 pounders, two 12 pounders, two 9 pounders, and two brafs mortars, and having but 17 fhells left, they hoifted the white flag. Montcalm answered it; and the general officers met half-way between the two camps, and agreed upon the articles of capitulation. This day our officers and men fpent in packing up their most valuable effects. Next morning, Gen. Webb or dered 500 picked grenadiers to be drawn

out in order to met our men; but at feven o'clock we faw about thirty of our people coming running down the hill out of the woods, along the road that comes from Fort William-Henry, moftly ftript to their fhirts and breeches, and many without fhirts, who gave the following account: That, agreeable to the capitulation, our men, with their escort, were drawn out in their lines; when Montcalm called afide our field-officers, and faid, the Indians always expected, and would have plunder; and, for fear of bad confequences, advised them to give their packs to them; which they did, though with reluctance: that as foon as the Indians got them, they began to maffacre all the fick and wounded within the lines, and before both ar mies; that next they haled all the Negroes, Mulattoes, and Indian foldiers, out of their ranks, butchering and scalping them; that when our men began to march, they then began without dif tinction, ftript and tomahawed both officers and men; and all in the greateft confufion took to their heels: and thus thofe that came in made their escape."

66

Albany, Aug. 17. This morning arrived here feveral officers, which had been miffing, and were thought to be killed; who fay, they all turned back to Montcalm at Fort William-Henry; and that they do not think we had more than 10 or 12 killed after the place was taken; but that the Indians had carried off feveral prifoners, whom Montcalm engaged upon his honour, to return safe, as foon as he came up with them."

66

Rochel, Nov. 10. All the accounts we have received of the taking of Fort George, or William-Henry, in Canada, make mention of the violences committed by the favages on the English garrifon; but they all agree, that, by the precautions the Marquis de Montcalm had taken for their fafety, they would have been quietly conducted to Fort Edward, had not the English foldiers imprudently diftributed intoxicating liquors to thofe favages; that M. de Montcalm and the principal French officers expo fed themfelves to the greatest dangers in appeafing the Indians; and that the

Marquis

province, of Aug. 5. that Gov. Denny had been for a fortnight before holding a treaty with the Indians; and that the day before he iffued a proclamation, bearing, That he had renewed a firm league of peace and friendship with the Delaware, Shawanefe, and other tribes of Indians confederated with them, called ten tribes or nations, including their uncles the five na ions; and charging all his Majefty's subjects in the province to obferve the fame: provided, that the proclamation fhould not hinder any officers or foldiers, or any of the inhabitants, from defending themselves, or attacking, annoying, or killing any enemy Indians, who fhall commit any acts of hoftility within the province.

A letter, dated, New York, Aug. 26. 1757, gives a fummary of our military tranfactions in North America fince the beginning of the war, viz.

"The fituation of affairs in America grow more and more dangerous; and, by I know not what fatality, the more we are ftrengthened from G. Britain, the more ground we lofe against the French, whofe number of regular troops is much inferior to ours.

All the fuccefs we can pretend to boaft of in the course of this war, happened in the two first years of it, when we had not a fourth part of the regular troops we now have, and the French had at least an equal number in Canada, and at Louisburg.

Our campaign in 1755- opened with an expedition against the French incroachments in Nova Scotia, with about 400 regular troops, and 2000 irregulars from Bofton; which was to conducted, that the French forts upon the isthmus foon furrendered; their garrifons were transported to Louifburg; one of their forts upon the river St John was abandoned, and their fettlements about it broke up [xvii. 353, 99.]. The fame year our own fortifications were advanced as far as Lake St Sacrament, now Lake George; as in the preceding year they had likewife begun to be upon the river Kennebeck, towards the metropolis of Canada; and the French general, Dieskau, who came from France that VOL. XIX.

year with about 3000 troops, and had begun his march to invest Ofwego, was prevented from making an attempt upon it, and defeated in his attack upon our camp at Lake George [xvii. 496.]. And in the year 1756, a large party of French regulars, Canadians, and Indians, which attacked, by furprise, a party of our battoe-men upon the river Onondago, were entirely defeated by an inferior number of men.

No fooner were our forces increased, by those which arrived here from Europe with Gen. Abercrombie in June 1756, but things took a very different turn. Though timely information was given, that a large French camp was formed within fifty miles of Ofwego, with an intent speedily to attack it; yet that moft material place was loft; Gen. Webb not fetting out for its relief till two days before it was taken.

Our next misfortune was, that when our general had got to the great carrying-place at Oneida, (a pass in the country of the Six Nations), which was fo ftrongly fortified, and fo inacceffible to the enemy's artillery, that it might have defied the whole French army to take it, he demolished the fort and works there in a few days, and retired with his forces to a place called the German Flats, which is fixty miles nearer Albany, and foon after to Schenectada, not more than feventeen miles from that city, and thereby abandoned the Six Nations of the Indians and their country to the enemy, and left the French a free paffage from Ofwego through the Mohawks river to Schenectada [xviii. 558.]. And, what is ftill more extraordinary, is, whilft the General was demolishing the works at this carrying-place, and retiring back to Schenectada, the French were as bufy in demolishing the works at Of wego, and retiring from thence towards Montreal.

This precipitate retreat was immediately followed by as fatal a delay. For though we had a fufficient force to have proceeded that year against Crownpoint, yet we wafted the feafon in intrenching at Lake George, and fortify4 S

ing

ing Fort William-Henry there; the confequence of which was, that we not only loft the opportunity of making an attempt against Crown-point, but paid for that neglect by the lofs of Fort William-Henry itself this year.

This clofed our operations in 1756. The beginning of this year was spent in making preparations for the expedition against Louisburg, which took us up till the latter end of June: then our tranfports failed for Halifax, with about 6000 regular troops; and in their paffage moft miraculously escaped being taken by the French, which had been, about five days before, cruifing about the mouth of that harbour. After fpending about five weeks at Halifax in holding councils of war, the refult was, to lay afide the expedition against Louifburg.

While we were employed in making this dangerous paffage to Halifax, and holding councils of war there, M. Montcalm took the opportunity of Lord Loudon's abfence, to proceed from Quebec to Crown-point, with about 10,000 men, confifting of regular troops, Canadians, and Indians; from whence he made Fort William-Henry a vifit, which he took after a fiege of about five or fix days, and demolished it; difabled the garrifon, which confifted of above 2000 men, from ferving against the French for eighteen months; made himself master of our magazines of provisions and stores, and fecured the entire poffeffion of the lakes between Lake George and Mont real; finished his bufinefs, and retired with his booty, before the return of Lord Loudon with his troops from Halifax, which is expected here every day.

Though thefe operations may proba bly finish this year's campaign on our part, yet we fear the French will not end theirs fo foon; for we are threatened with a vifit from a large army of French and Indians, coming by the way of Ofwego to the Mohawks river, in which we have the greateft reafon to think they will be joined by the Seneca's and Cayuga's, if not the Onondago's, (all which make up two thirds, at leaft, of the whole number of the Six

Nations of the Indians); for what elfe can be reasonably expected from our abandoning them and their country to the French in the year preceding?

Such is the ftate of our affairs, the fruits of our two last years inactive cam. paigns, of our want of proper intelligence, and the little ufe we make of what we do get ! We find by woful experience, that our great number of regular troops have been of no service for want of proper management: the French carry all before them; and what the next year will produce, God knows; I tremble to think.”

An account has been received at Lifbon, that three dreadful shocks of an earthquake were felt in most of the AZORES or Western islands, on the 9th and 10th of July. The fhock on the 9th happened 45 minutes past eleven at night, and lafted almost two minutes. All the houses in the island of Angra, or Tercera, were violently shaken. The impulfe of the earthquake, which at firft was vertical, quickly became horizontal, the direction being from west to east. The earth was moved with fuch force, that had the shock lafted a few feconds longer, all the tottering buildings must have been swallowed up. About ten o'clock in the morning of the 10th there was another fhock, and a third at four after noon, as violent as that of the 9th, but in duration shorter.

-In St George's island, 12 leagues from Angra, the earth quaked the fame day, and at the fame hours; but the fhocks were fo violent, that 1053 perfons were crushed to death under the ruins of the houses. The confternation of the inhabitants redoubled, the 10th in the morning, at the fight of eighteen. new islands, which arofe at the distance of 100 fathoms on the north fide of the ifland.At the Fayans des Vimes, the fame fhock threw down all the buildings. No more houfes, temples, nor ftreets, are to be found there; but only heaps of rubbish and stones. In fome places whole fields and gardens were rolled down into the fea. There are ftill flips of land to be feen at fome diftance from the fhore, and furrounded

with water, which retain their form and all their contents. Upon one of these floating islands there is a houfe ftanding, planted round with trees, which has been no way damaged.Monte Formofo, lying E. S. E. of this illand, was split in two: one part tumbled into the fea, the other ftands within 200 yards of it. From the eaft point of Topo ifland, as far as the town of Caletha, there is yet nothing to be feen but ruins. No houfe could ftand the fhock: nay, the ground opened in feveral places, and a piece of land, about a quarter of a league fquare, was carried into the fea. Some mountains moved out of their places; others have entirely difappeared; fo that the communication between fome of those i flands, which was formerly impracticable, on account of the fteepness of the rocks, is now open and easy. Where the mountains ftood, there is now a plain. Part of the village of Norte Grande broke loofe from the reft, and forms a new ifland 300 yards diftant from it.- -All the terrified inhabitants of those islands live in the woods, expecting every day will be their laft, the quaking ground fhewing them graves on every fide. Enormous maffes of ftone continually break off from the rocks, and fall into deep pits formed by the earthquakes. In fome places whole rocks have funk into the ground.In Pico ifland these fhocks have been but flightly felt, except on that fide of it which is oppofite to St George's. That part of it has been very roughly handled, and 11 fouls perifhed there.

-On the day of the firft fhock the fea broke into St George's ifland, the waves running from west to east. In Pico island their direction was from eaft to weft, and from fouth to weft in Graciofa.- -Fayal had but a flight fhock, and the motion of the fea was scarce perceivable.. -In St Michael's and St Mary's iflands, they felt nothing but the effects of an ordinary fhock. The ifles of Flores and Corvo have been entirely free from this calamity. -The Azores are fubject to Portugal. They are fituated in the Atlantic ocean, be

tween 25 and 32 deg. W. long. and between 37 and 40 N. lat. 900 miles weft of Portugal, and as many east of Newfoundland, lying almoft midway between Europe and America.

ENGLAND.

On Tuesday, Nov. 8. a board of general officers, confifting of Lt General Charles Duke of Marlborough, and Maj.-Gens Lord George Sackville, and John Waldegrave, met at the house of Mr Morgan, judge-advocate-general, in Privy garden, London, to inquire into the conduct of the principal commanders of the land-forces in the late fecret expedition [548.], and adjourned to Saturday the 12th.

On the 12th they proceeded on the inquiry. The journals kept on board the fleet during the expedition, and the minutes of the councils of war, in which were some speeches of a fea-commander, were produced; but as thofe minutes were not properly authenticated, they were difallowed. Gen. M―t then read his defence; after which the board adjourned to Monday the 14th.

On the 14th Gen. C read his defence: and it being alledged, that Adm. B-k had written a letter to Adm. H- which he fhewed to the General before he fent it, declaring it to be his opinion, that the firft imbarkation might have been landed, and the tranfports returned by break of day; the Admiral was called in, and examined concerning fuch letter; and he proved the allegation to be true.

Col. W-- was then called in, at the General's request, and examined as to his opinion about landing, and the attack of Fort Fouras, which was intended as a place of retreat, in cafe the troops fhould not fucceed in the attack of Rochefort. The Colonel faid, That the men might have landed near Chaitelaillon, there being only a battery of fix guns that he could difcover; but that their landing might have been prevented by fo fmall a force as 1000 foot and 2 or 300 horse, because there were many fand-hills which the forces at landing would be obliged to climb: That 4 S 2

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