Capt. Paul Ourry, late voluntier on board the Lancaster, depofed, That the fituation of the fleet was fuch, that no two fhips were at the fame diftance from the enemy; the headmoft being diftant a mile, and the fternmost three miles, when the fignal for battle was made. fail that the rear could make; though of the Chesterfield, fpoke only to the he acknowledged that by this means the pofition of the fleets, and the time of rear would have got down very foon beginning to engage. after the van. As to the difference of distance between the two vans and the two rears, he gave it as his opinion, that the distance between the head most ship of our van and the headmoft fhip of the enemy's van was about one mile, and the distance between the fternmoft fhip of the enemy's rear and the sternmoft fhip of our rear was about three miles, when the signal for action was made; the two lines inclining towards each other, and being farthest distant at the rear. He acknowledged, that if the rear had made fail fooner, they might have prevented the rear of the enemy from giving their fire to our van; and in his opinion there was not fail enough made at first. He neither faw nor heard of any fignal made by the Admiral for more fail. Capt. Thomas Bailie, late fecond lieutenant of the Deptford, never thought the Admiral's divifion within a proper distance to engage. Capt. Marlow, late of the Dolphin, faw no fignal for clofer engagement. The Admiral began to engage about three quarters of an hour after the fignal for action, i. e. about a quarter after three, and before four the French went away. Thomas Bishop, late firft lieutenant of the Defiance, believed, if the Admiral and his divifion had fet all the fail they could, they might have come clofe to the enemy's rear, while they continued to lie to, which he faid was a bout an hour. He confirmed the preceding evidence, as to the fituation of the fleets, and the impoffibility of the rear getting as near to the rear as the van got to the van in the fame time, even if they had made all the fail they could. It was his opinion, that the French van was driven away by the fuperior fire of our van, and not called off by their admiral and he believed the fleet not in a condition to make fail after the French the next morning, which he believed continued off Mahon. : Thomas Barker, late firft lieutenant Capt. Baird, late of the Portland, depofed, That the van bore down, and engaged at the distance of a quarter of a mile; that Adm. Weft made a fignal for clofer engagement, which the French declined by standing on. Said, there was wind fufficient to have carried the Admiral down close to the enemy, between the time when the fignal for battle was made, and the time when the van bore away. Said exprefsly, that our fleet was not in a condition to purfue when the French bore away, or to attack them next day; the French having gained the advantage upon the whole, as only one of them appeared damaged, and that only in her topfailyard. At Gibraltar his fhip was reported unferviceable. Believed, if the rear had been as clofe as the van, they alfo would have been difabled; but not equally, because the van were attacked by both divifions, which could not have happened if the rear had engaged the rear. He remarked alfo, that there was not the least reason to infer, that the French had fuffered more than they appeared to have done, from their going off and not returning, because their whole. defign was to cover St Philip's, and not to risk their fquadron. The Portland, Defiance, and Captain, were two days repairing; and the Intrepide was repairing all the way to Gibraltar: but, except the Intrepide, the whole fquadron was again fit for action on the 25th. Capt. Young, late of the Intrepide, faid, He did not perceive that the lofs of his foretopinaft occafioned any impediment to the rear divilion from going down and engaging, nor that it endangered any fhip being on board him, as he was fo far to leeward that they might have wore clear of him, and gone. down down to the centre and rear of the enemy, as they did three quarters of an hour afterwards: That if the rear divifion had bore down as the van did, they might have come up as near the enemy; and if they had bore in a line of battle abreast, there would have been no danger of their being on board each other, as every ship appeared to him to have room to wear. He depofed alfo, that there was no poffibility of bringing on a general engagement, without the Admiral and rear divifion going down right before the wind upon the enemy, and carrying more fail than the van carried, their distance being greater. Said, his fhip was in a very bad condition, fo as to spoil all her ground-tier of powder; that the was alfo indifferently manned; but that none of thefe defects were a detriment to him in his engagement. He depofed alfo, that the French fleet went off to all appearance without damage, except the Jofs of one topfail-yard; and that our fleet was not in a condition to attack them at any time before the council of war, and after the action. [To be continued.] Some queries on the minutes of a council of war held at Gibraltar on the 4th of May laft. [87.] W From a pamphlet just published. Hether it be poffible for officers who are ordered to their garrifon, (which was the cafe of half the members of that council), to vote, that it is not for his Majefty's fervice that they fhould go thither? All the reafons they affigned why the fending of a battalion from Gibraltar was not for his Majefty's fervice, conclude a fortiori against their own going. Whether it be not the conftant practice of officers in every fervice, whofe garrifons happen in their abfence to be furprifed with a fiege, or who are ordered to the relief of it, to run every kind of risk to get into the place of their duty? Whether the number of regiments at Gibraltar and Portmahon, was not known to the privy council at St James's, as well as to this at Gibraltar? Whether this be not the first inftance of officers belonging to a place actually befieged, and known to be in want of men, meeting together, and determining not to carry the fuccours ordered to it, out of tenderness for another place which was not befieged, and to which they did not belong? Whether if thefe officers had really intended to go to Mahon themselves, they would not have been for taking as many fuccours as they could with them? Whether a council of war confifting of land-officers only, had any right to vote, or even countenance an opinion, that the French fleet of twelve fhips of the line, was at least equal in force, if not fuperior, to that under the command of Adm. Byng of thirteen British ships of the line, then riding at anchor before them? Whether we do not find the fame land-officers, after the fleet had received that defeat near Minorca, which they had befpoke at Gibraltar, with equal goodness advising the Admiral, at a feacouncil [88.], to go back to Gibraltar, without their once offering themselves with the other officers and recruits to be landed at St Philip's? vices through this whole expedition, is "The harmony between the two fer(fays the author of thefe queries) very remarkable. Does the Admiral chufe to lay in, in time, an excufe for not fighting? The land-officers help him to one in the first council, by weighing the ftrength of the two fleets in much nicer fcales than the Admiral himself could do with any decency, and determining by their own weights in the enemy's fa vour. Do the land-officers with to excufe themfelves from being fet afhore at St Philip's? The Admiral has a fet of queflions drawn up with a manifest view to their anfwers; which being figned by a council, effectually ferve both their purposes." Written under Gen. Blakeney's picture, in June1756. anxious for fame, and wedded to my truft; Aithful to confcience, to my country just, Old age and Gallic malice 1 defy. Eager to conquer, or refign'd to die, Eonour's the aged hero's only view; My hand may tremble, but my heart is true. F HISTORY. Rom CONSTANTINOPLE they write, that, on the 11th of January, Muftapha Pacha, the grand vizir, who had continued in that office about nine months, was depofed, and banished to Rhodes. We have been told, that the PoLANDERS have defired the affiftance of the King of Pruffia to prevent the Ruffians paffing through their country, and that a body of Turks was actually in motion. Whatever be in that, it is certain that the Ruffian troops halted when they came to the Polish frontiers. On occafion of their being put in motion, Count Beftucheff, High Chancellor of Ruffia, wrote the following circular letter to the primate, the fenators, and the minifters of Poland. SIR, Your Excellency is, no doubt, already informed of all the particulars of the King of Pruffia's hoftile and fudden invafion of Saxony; of the unheard of violences and horrible exceffes he has committed there, as well upon the poor inhabitants, as against the very perfon of the King of Poland, your mafter, and the royal family; of the extreme neceffity to which his Majefty has found himfelf reduced, to retire into Poland, facrificing his hereditary dominions and all his army; and of the King of Pruffia's irruption into Bohemia. The King of Poland's deplorable fate, for which this prince did not give the leaft handle, certainly deferves compaffion, fuitable to the immortal glory he has purchased by his noble conftancy in fo melancholy a fituation; which at the fame time ought to excite all powers, and especially his allies, to concern themselves in earnest in an event of this nature. The difmal confequences that may refult from this the King of Pruffia's un'precedented and rafh ftep, as well to the common repose of Europe, as to every power in particular, and efpecially to the neighbouring countries, are fo ob. vious, that the intereft and fafety of each sovereign absolutely require them to be upon their guard, and, by making it a common cause with the powers involved in the fame imbarraffment, to take the propereft measures, not only for procuring the courts fo unjustly attacked the fatisfaction which is due to them, but also for prefcribing to the too extenfive power of the King of Pruffia fuch bounds as may hereafter be a fecurity against the infults of that enterpri fing and turbulent neighbour, who, in defiance of the moft folemn and most facred treaties, is intent upon nothing but enlarging his dominions. The Emprefs, my moft gracious fovereign, confidering the importance of fo fad an event, and the ill confequences that may arife from it, and having at heart the welfare and the interefts of her allies, and efpecially of his Majesty the King of Poland, is deeply affected, Sir, with the misfortunes of this prince, who, on his part, has not given the least occafion thereto; and not being able to behold with indifference the equally dire and rafh enterprises of the King of Pruffia, fhe has taken the generous refolution to fuccour speedily and efficaciously the King your mafter, by fending a confiderable body of her troops to his affiftance. This corps has actually begun its march, under the command of his Excellency Field-Marshal Apraxin; and an indifpenfable neceffity will force it to traverse part of the territory of Poland, as your Excellency muft undoubtedly have known already. All impartial judges will furely abhor the King of Pruffia's cruel procedure towards the territories of Saxony, and towards the perfon of the King of Poland himself; and will do justice to her Imperial Majefty's generous fentiments, as alfo to the resolution she has taken; which tends only to defend her allies, and reftore peace in Europe, by fettling it again in a juft equilibrium. I promise myself nothing lefs from the zeal and attachment which your Excellency has always manifefted for the King your mafter, for the maintenance of peace in Poland, and for the fupport of the good common caufe. I flatter myfelf, at the fame time, that your Ex 02 cellency cellency and your countrymen will not fail, by facilitating, in the beft manner they can, the march of the said body of her Imperial Majefty's troops through the territory of Poland, to render thereby a real fervice to the King your mafter in his prefent melancholy fituation, (a fituation that excites compaffion from every one who loves honour, justice, and his country), and to take the most falutary measures for defeating the King of Pruffia's vaft and pernicious projects in Poland. Nothing can better effect this, than the reftoring in this kingdom the tranquillity and harmony which it has fo long wanted, and unanimously laying to heart the critical circumftances of the times. My moft gracious fovereign has already given fo many convincing proofs of the fincere affection fhe bears to the republic of Poland, and of her fenfible concern for the good of the republic in general, as well as for that of each of your countrymen in particular, that I doubt not in the leaft but your Excellency is fully perfuaded of it. I likewife flatter myself, that you will take a pleafure in engaging your countrymen, animated with the fame point of honour and the love they have for their king, to make the misfortune of this prince prevail over domeftic debates and private animofities, to restore things to their priftine ftate, and thereby to appease the troubles and diforders of their country; measures which, in contributing to relieve the King your mafter in his prefent deplorable fituation, will infallibly turn to the advantage of your country and of the common cause. I doubt not but your Excellency will, on your part, do all that lies in your power to attain fo falutary an end, by encouraging your countrymen by your good example. Your Excellency will inhance your merit in the eye of her Imperial Majefty, in not having let flip fo favourable an opportunity to prove your zeal and attachment to the King your mafter in his prefent lamentable condition, in which all the powers of Europe are interested. Your Excellency may reft perfuaded, that as her Imperial Majefty's good-will extends to every one in particular, fo it is ftill greater towards the body in general; and that the fureft means to acquire her Imperial Majefty's approbation, confifts folely in gaining the good graces of the King your ma fter, by giving him, and the republic too, inconteftable proofs of zeal and attachment. I am, &c. St Peterburg, Nov. 12. 1756. We have information from PETERSBURG, that a fire lately broke out at Mofcow, which confumed several hundred houfes, among which was the magnificent palace of Count Rofoumoufki, Hettman of the Ukraine. All the The On the 10th of January the diet at RATISBON came to a refolution with refpect to the decrees of the Emperor concerning the King of Pruffia's invading Saxony and Bohemia. Catholic princes except one declared, that they would conform to the Imperial decrees; and were joined by the following Proteftant princes, viz. the Landgrave of Heffe-Darmstadt, the Margrave of Brandenburg Anfpach, the Duke of Deux-Ponts, and the Duke of Mecklemburg. His Britannic Majefty, as Elector of Hanover, and the reft of the Proteftant princes, joined by the Duke of Wirtemberg, a Catholic, voted for the good offices of the empire in that great affair. The Swedish minifter for the duchy of Pomerania did not vote, for want of inftructions. colleges determined to fet on foot their contingents, augmented to treble the ufual number, in fupport of their refolution. We are told that the troops of the circles, upon the footing of a treble augmentation, will form an army of above 100,000 men. The Prince of Anhalt-Bernbeing, in quality of the eldest branch of the houfe of Anhalt, afterward recalled the confent which his minifter gave to that deed. On the 24th of January, the Brandenburg mi nifter delivered to all the minifters of the diet a memorial, by which he folemnly protefted against the resolution of the colleges of the empire. The conclufion of that piece, which is very long, runs thus. "His Pruffian Majefly expreffes, in the most grateful man ner, ner, his acknowledgment to fuch of his co-eftates as at the last meeting declared they neither would nor could be concerned in all that has been refolved on to his prejudice by the feveral colleges of the empire. He promifes to employ in their defence, and in fupport of their liberty and privileges, all the power that God has put into his hands. As for the reft, he is very glad to know what states have thought fit to declare for his adverfe party, because he may take his measures in confequence with his high allies." It appears by the registries, that fince the Pruffians have been in poffeffion of Saxony, that electorate has furnished them with 40,000 men. His Pruffian Majefty is faid to have upwards of 200,000 men on foot; but it is given out that there will be 400,000 to act a gainst him. According to a letter from Drefden, dated Feb. 8. all the roads in Upper Lufatia were full of troops, who had even then begun to be in motion. They write from VIENNA, that the Emprefs-Queen has published a refolu. tion, to ennoble every officer, of what nation foever, who has ferved thirty years in her armies. From NAPLES we have advice, that the labourers have begun again to dig among the ruins of Herculaneum, only two perfons having been killed by the late accident [42.], which it feems was owing to the workmen having neglected to keep within the bounds prescribed them by the engineers. They have fince found two chests, containing Greek manufcripts in very good condition. Late accounts from SPAIN bear, that they were making great armaments throughout that kingdom for both the land and fea fervice; and that they were daily picking quarrels with the British. The Antigallican privateer having taken the Duke de Penthievre, a rich French East-Indiaman [52.], and carried her into Cadiz, we were once told, that the Spaniards had reclaimed her, as having been taken under the cannon of Corunna; but other advices appear to contradict this. Our accounts in general from that country are very various, probably owing to the perfons they come from inclining to different fides. However matters may turn out, fince Lord Tyrawley went to be Governor of Gibraltar, he has been bufy strengthening the fortifications of that place. All foreign families fettled there having been ordered to lay up provifions for two years or depart, feveral of them have gone to Cadiz. According to letters from PARIS, the deputies of the parliament of that city went to Verfailles on the 18th of January, to know on what day his Majesty would receive new reprefentations which had been drawn up. The King fixed on the next day; in confequence of which the first prefident and two other prefidents then waited upon him. The King told them, he would confider their reprefentations; in which they had particularly demanded the reunion of their whole body; at the fame time befeeching his Majefty to withdraw his declarations made in the bed of justice, or fufpend the execution of them. On the 23d the members of the grand chamber were fent for to Verfailles, where the Chancellor read them an answer to every article. In it his Majesty, instead of withdrawing his declarations, infifted upon their being executed in their full intent and meaning. With regard to the reunion of all the members, they were told, that his Majefty had already fufficiently explained himself on that fubject; that thofe of the inquefts and requefts who, by particular letters, desired to come in again, had received proofs of his Majesty's goodness; and that the reft might do the fame. After this the King faid, "You have just heard my will; and I expect, from your attachment and duty to me, that you immediately do juftice to my people, and tomorrow you order the counfellors to do their duty." This was accordingly done; and, as they tell us, fo great a number of counsellors conformed to the King's pleasure, as was thought sufficient to reeftablish the parliament. On the 27th, at five o'clock in the morning, fome officers of the city-watch repaired to the houfes of fixteen members of that body, who |