Conclusion drawn from the foregoing remarks on the fall These are the true, the acknowledged, and principal causes which have for the present destroyed not only Spanish liberty, but cruelly damped the hopes of all enlightened Europe;-an event most fatal to the interests of humanity, which ought to open the eyes of all those nations who pant for true liberty. These reasons ought also to excite the attention of reflecting minds, since they have produced the infidelity and weakness of the most distinguished generals, they have occasioned the taking of the strongest places without any resistance, have caused whole bodies of armed men and large columns to lay down their arms at the first appearance of a few French recruits. Finally, these reasons show why the nation which opposed the French, when they only sought "change of dynasty," became at a later period either cold spectators of what passed, or even allies of those very French when they sought to reconduct the nation into its ancient slavery. Machiavelli, that deeply-reflecting philosopher, maintains, with reason, that a suppressed revolution always contains the germ of another which follows it; and it doubtless may be suspected, that, when the Spaniards shall again attempt a restoration of their liberty, they may consider the task of bringing a Bourbon dynasty under the wholesome limitations of a free constitution so hopeless, that they may be provoked to abolish it altogether: especially when they may recollect that their late king, as well as the most splendid and powerful of their monarchs, the imperial Charles the Vth, ultimately found so little personal happiness in the exercise of despotic power, that, like other potentates sated with dominion, they voluntarily abdicated the throne for their repose. Nor, considering what they have suffered from the odious conduct of a bigotted, or rather of a profligate and hypocritical priesthood, who, as instruments of their misery, have been as malignant, cruel and blood-thirsty, as they have been busy and intriguing, could it be surprising should they wholly divest such monsters, as religion's worst enemies, of the means of being any longer mischievous. And may it not, likewise, be farther imagined, that all the nations which compose the south of Europe may be disposed to banish from their minds, as a delusion, all hope of good under any modification of hereditary power, as contrary to nature? For, with reference to those nations, may it not also be apprehended as likely, that they should respectively consider themselves in such a re lative position, that on the slavery or freedom of any one of them must depend the slavery or freedom of all? Will not this opinion find countenance from a passage in the English Harrington's Oceana, p. 203, in which he says: "If France, Italy and Spain were not all sick, all corrupted together, there would be none of them so; for the sick would not be able to withstand the sound, nor the sound to preserve their health without curing the sick?” But as there are some half a dozen of personages who, without any affectation of having studied, say they are legitimately and exclusively entitled to legislate for the whole European world by divine right, perhaps we are to suppose them gifted by inspiration with intuitive wisdom; for such must be the accompanying attribute of a divine right. In that case, indeed, such American fancies, of governing all by all, will be no more than a harmless amusement of those on this side of the Atlantic who may happen to entertain them, and can never disturb the tranquillity of the nations that have been mentioned; unless it should turn out, that legislation by divine right should not produce all the benefits of good government in conjunction with social order: but surely personages under the influence of intuitive wisdom emanating from divine right cannot be mistaken on such a question! NAPLES. With respect to local revolutions tending to a general one for effecting a recovery of political health to the South of Europe, that of Naples merits peculiar attention, as indicating moral causes and practical means, whereby success shall in future be the natural effect of ripened knowledge and patriot exertion throughout Italy, France and Spain. Contemplating that Neapolitan revolution as a local operation necessary to a recovery from the general sickness, it will forcibly illustrate the doctrine that has been laid down, proving to have been admirable in its kind, and in a high degree instructive. In vain, indeed, shall we seek in the annals of history a revolution which can be compared to that which took place in Naples in 1820. A nation which for ten centuries had groaned under a despotic government, without a shadow of national representation, in the course of six days passed from slavery to freedom! The principal proprietors were not only agreed, but vied with the lower orders in co-operations of every kind; and the troops, though caressed, courted, and regularly paid by the absolute govern ment, instead of supporting that government, united with the citizens in accomplishing its suppression. Never was a people more enthusiastic, more generous, and more prudent, in their sudden passage from complete slavery to an almost republican liberty. They seemed to pass an act of oblivion over the wrongs experienced from the most sanguinary of kings, who in 1799 had sent to the scaffold the most distinguished citizens of the united kingdom, as well as over the crimes which were perpetrated by the satellites of despotism. Not a single drop of blood was shed, not a single act of violence was committed against the public authority. Yet, alas! the desire so nobly manifested by these virtuous citizens that liberty should be consolidated without the smallest disturbance, their generous and surprising forbearance contributed to the reverses they afterwards experienced. Prodigies, however, are only to be found in romances, and not in the history of real life; it is therefore necessary to diminish the surprise which an event so extraordinary is likely to excite, and to narrate the circumstances which concurred to produce the astonishing revolution of Naples. Some years before 1799, free-masonry on one side, and the folly and intrigues of Queen Caroline of Austria on the other side, caused the most distinguished men in that kingdom to declare themselves in favor of liberal ideas. The insurrectionary wars of 1799 and of 1806 against the French, gave a considerable impulse to the lower orders of the people. ' The If climate and soil have so powerful an effect on vegetable productions, why should they not also have an influence over animal constitutions? Climate and soil cannot certainly work miracles, and can do little unless assisted by the energy of man; but trifling circumstances in a fertile soil, and under a benignant sky, will have frequently considerable effects. From the frozen zone have proceeded hordes of Vandals and Huns, devastating every country in their course like an overwhelming torrent; but such men as a Homer, an Epaminondas, an Alexander, a Numa Pompilius, a Cincinnatus, a Cæsar, or a Napoleon, are rarely found, except in genial climates. The kingdom of Naples, like the rest of Italy, had groaned for ages under the most degrading slavery; and the despots, more effectually to debase her population, had inundated Italy with German, Swiss and Spanish troops. In 1799, the King of Naples, taking refuge in Sicily, sought the aid of a people he had hitherto despised, and applied to the lowest class as being the most ignorant and the most likely to be under the influence of the clergy. On the other hand, the French republican troops in that country called to arms, in the name of liberty, those men who were most distinguished by their knowledge, but not by their skill in military affairs. Thus was the flame of civil war kindled and fanned in the kingdom of Naples. It is necessary to be well acquainted with the history of that time in order to do justice to the energy and enthusiasm displayed on either side. The lower orders supported despotism, while the nobles, the rich, and the learned mainained the republic. The people had on their side a numerous force, the Russian army, and the navy of England-the republicans had a few failure in the public treasure, and the code of Napoleon, des troyed the nobility; and to their great fortunes, as well as to the clergy, this code was not less fatal. In this manner neither powerful nor privileged classes existed: all the citizens had nearly the same interests, so that what was good for the one, was equally good for the other. The nation being in this situation, another favorable circumstance unexpectedly arose, which was an organisation of the celebrated sect of the Carbonati, that powerfully contributed in preparing the less opulent classes for freedom. It is not, however, sufficient that a nation should be ripe for liberty; some propitious opportunity must present itself; there must be some point of re-union, where the general and simultaneous will of the people shall declare itself with the vigour indispensably necessary to such undertakings. Such an opportunity did present itself in this country; a Lieutenant-General, the commandant of two large provinces, containing nearly a million of inhabitants, furnished with all the powers that despotism French battalions, and that enthusiasm which makes up for the deficiencies occasioned by want of experience and practice in the fatigues of war. The republicans raised several small columns at some distance from the capital, who fought with vigour, but being overcome by numbers daily lost ground. A legion of republicans, composed of Calabrian students resident in the capital, not exceeding fourundred in number, formed the garrison of a little fort near Naples, called Villena; this garrison was besieged by Cardinal Ruffo with his numerous troops. The Cardinal assured these republicans, that if they would surrender, their lives should be spared; but these ardent youths, full of the enthusiasm of liberty, answered with contempt the proposals of the Cardinal, who in consequence assaulted the little fort. After fighting with unparalleled valour and obstinacy, and being no longer able to offer any effectual resistance, they retired into a corner of the fort, and when they perceived it filled with the assailants, they set fire to the powder-magazine, and in one moment both the victors and vanquished perished together. Their mingled bodies were thrown up into the air, and at a great distance; both the sea and neighbouring fields were scattered with mangled human limbs. Had the Neapolitan republic been at that time consolidated, such a memorable event would have put to silence those who boast of the heroic actions of Greece and Rome,-but men never appreciate the merit of the unfortunate, for human egotism cannot separate its admiration from the considerations of personal interest. In the mean time the republican government, aided by a few patriots, strove to defend the capital, and having lost this, shut themselves up in the forts. There they fought for some days, and there might be seen lawyers, physicians, priests, old fathers of families, and the youthful dandies of Naples, all fighting with equal spirit in the cause of expiring liberty, and refusing terms of capitulation to the very last moment. Freedom fell in Naples, and all declared that it had fallen for ever: yet, if Machiavel had lived in those days he would have foretold, that after some years had elapsed, that very populace which followed a Cardinal Ruffo for the destruction of liberty, would enter the same capital with a general who led them against despotism; as actually took place in 1820. Hence, clearsighted men may reason on future probabilities. is accustomed to confer, and patronised by the ministry, was insensible to so many flattering advantages, and determined in devoting himself to the cause of liberty and glory, to brave all the dangers that awaited his decision. He took advantage of a decree for the organisation of the militia, and with the greatest vigour organised ten thousand men, chosen from among the most respectable proprietors, and divided into two regiments, six battalions, and seventy companies. They were all completely clothed and armed with fowling-pieces at their own expence. All the ten thousand either were, or became, Carbonari, and the officers and subalterns, though belonging to the most respectable class of citizens, were among the heads of that sect. With these ten thousand militia-men, and several corps of the line, armed in different ways, General Guglielmo Pepe took upon himself the responsibility of giving the signal so eagerly looked for by the majority of the nation. The militia, the soldiers, the citizens of every class seconded that General, and in six days, from slaves, they became freemen. Having premised thus much, we will proceed to explain the causes which threw Naples back into its ancient slavery. They shall be limited to five. 1st. The same as that which has been already mentioned relative to the affairs of Spain; and perhaps the Neapolitans would not have fallen into the error of leaving the Bourbons on the throne, had not the example been already given them in that country. This example had not, however, much weight with the chiefs of the Neapolitan revolution, but it influenced the generality of the people. In fact General Pepe, in his proclamation from Monteforte, had only spoken of a constitutional government and of the extinction of absolute power, while the populace in Naples demanded from the King the constitution of Spain-and the reason for this is very evident. It was not possible for the mass of the people in Naples to examine the defects or the merits of this or that constitution; they saw that of Spain agreed upon by the most enlightened liberals in Cadiz removed from regal influence; and they beheld it proclaimed anew with enthusiasm, and, if not recognised, at least permitted, by the other powers of Europe. The same reasons which induced the mass of the Neapolitans to adopt the constitution of Spain, also induced them to preserve upon the throne of the two Sicilies the dynasty of the Bourbons, and to forget the blood of the illustrious citizens, which was shed in 1799 by their old king, Ferdinand the First: in this respect imitating the Spaniards, who in like manner unfortunately shut their eyes to the wickedness of their own Ferdinand the VIIth. The frightful events and the horrors which followed the French revolution also strongly influenced the minds of the proprietors, who had been taught to |