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tem miraculis affirmatam volunt; sed hæc studio partium dici arbitror, aliis attollere supra modum conantibus, quem alii plus nimio deprimunt. Ego nullum ei gradum sanctitatis supra communem modum attribuo. . . . . Si qui ergo solutioris vitæ Ganganellum accusant, næ ii mentiuntur insigniter, seque ex mera malevolentia innocentem calumniari fateantur necesse est." Possibly Father Carayon has been led astray by M. Crétineau-Joly; but it is hard that the Jesuits should be dupes of their own advocate. The manuscript of Cordara must be known to them, as it has been used, not only by M. Crétineau, but by Ravignan. There are other passages which deserved to be extracted, for the honour of the Pope, and for the still greater honour of the historian:-"Sic vitam, sic brevem pontificatum clausit Clemens XIV., si vere loqui fas est, infelix magis quam malus, et optimus etiam futurus, si meliora in tempora incidisset. Multis enim nec vulgaribus ingenii, doctrinæ, virtutisque ornamentis spectabatur. Mira inprimis viro sagacitas, quae laus principis, meo quidem judicio prima, uti qua minus dolis aulicorum et insidiis patet. Par illi in summo honore demissio, par modestia. Mitis, affabilis, frugi, sibi semper constans, nunquam in consiliis præceps, nunquam animi nimius. . . Satius Ganganello visum condonare ultro aliquid, quam omnia in discrimen ultimum dare. Male demum si egit, haud mala egit mente. . . . At vias omnes declinandæ suppressionis exquisivit. At fecit invitus, non voluntate sed necessitate fecit. . . . . Suppressit tamen societatem, at ita demum suppressit, ut mitiore honestioreque modo non posset. . . . Scio equidem futuros e Jesuitis, qui me quasi degenerem, aut etiam Societatis desertorem impium coarguent, quod hanc Ganganelli defensionem susceperim."

them to be communicated to France by Bernis, | vere sanctum deprædicant, ejusque sanctitain a despatch of March 16, 1774. In this paper he authorizes it to be stated that he would have preferred reformation to suppression, if reformation had been possible. "Si Clément XIV. n'a jamais eu de doute que la société des jésuites méritât d'être réformée, il a été longtems bien éloigné de penser qu'il fût sage de la supprimer. . . . Si les jésuites, au lieu de montrer la plus grande audace, au lieu de se présenter toujours l'épée à la main, au lieu de fabriquer des libelles séditieux et des estampes insultantes, se fussent humiliés devant les rois d'Espagne et de Portugal, s'ils avaient respecté davantage le saint-siége et les décrets de la congrégation des rites, s'ils n'avaient pas continuellement manoeuvré et intrigué, sa sainteté n'aurait jamais pris la résolution de supprimer cet ordre, quoiqu'elle en connût les dangers; elle l'aurait réformé. Il a cru que des religieux proscrits des États les plus catholiques, violemment soupçonnés d'être entrés autrefois, et récemment, dans des trames criminelles, n'ayant en leur faveur que l'extérieur de la régularité, décriés dans leurs maximes, livrés pour se rendre plus puissants et plus redoutables, au commerce, à l'agiotage et à la politique, ne pouvaient produire que des fruits de dissentions et de discorde." This despatch omits the most important point of all. It does not say that the predecessors of Clement had armed the society with privileges which made reform impossible. But as a statement of one side of the case in this celebrated conflict, it deserves attention. It has been published more than forty years; but it is omitted by Father Carayon. In another despatch Bernis positively says that Ganganelli had not committed himself by any distinct pledge during the Conclave. "J'ai reconnu que le pape s'étoit encore moins engagé du côté d'Espagne que du nôtre, et que nous n'avions d'autres ressources avec lui, que les espérances générales qu'il m'avoit données dans le Conclave." These words, published by Father Theiner, have led the ablest and most impartial Protestant who has written on the subject to absolve Clement XIV.; but they also are omitted. It would appear that whatever relates to the vain project of reform is distasteful to the author. A despatch of Bernis, of January 17, 1772, breaks off with the words, "on peut croire que Clément xiv. se rabattra sur une réforme." One is curious to know the particular reforms suggested; and it is easy to find them out, for the continuation of the despatch has already been published. Indeed, there is one letter, of August 26, 1778, in which a passage has been left out which Father Carayon himself has printed in another work. In all these cases the omissions are faithfully indicated by dots. In one very important passage this precaution has been unfortunately neglected. Father Carayon quotes a passage in which Cordara, the secretary of the General, Ricci, describes the character of Clement XIV. There is no sign of any omission; but in the middle of the passage the following words have been struck out:"Nunquam fama laboravit adversa. Sunt qui

36. FOR a right understanding of Schelling's philosophy, which flowed on in an almost uninterrupted development, a biography exhibiting the internal process of his mental life would be very valuable. The philosopher's son, who edited his father's complete works, had undertaken to write such a book, but was prevented by death, leaving a fragment in manuscript, which described only the earlier stages of the philosophy. This instructive and well-written fragment has lately been edited by Professor Plitt, with the addition of a number of letters from Schelling's correspondence. The volume extends to the year 1803, and is to be followed by another. Besides Schelling's letters, it contains letters of Hegel, Steffens, Schlegel, Eschenmayer, Windischmann, Marcus, Goethe, and Schiller.

Schelling was the son of a pastor in the small town of Leonberg, lying in a romantic valley of Würtemberg, where, two hundred years before, Keppler had passed his infancy. The father was a man of serious character, and an oriental scholar; and the boy's extraordinary capacity was developed by an excellent training. At the age of fourteen he wrote both Greek and Latin verses with great ease.

He also knew several oriental languages, and made an attempt in historiographical inquiries. Soon afterwards he was sent to study theology at Tübingen, where he met Hegel, by some five years his senior, with whom he contracted a close friendship. At the age of seventeen he was an accomplished scholar.

His researches led him chiefly to the historical and critical side of theology; and his Dissertation, Antiquissimi de prima malorum humanorum origine philosophematis Gen. III. explicandi tentamen criticum et philosophicum, shows what hard questions pre-occupied his young head. This was followed by an essay, Deber Mythen, historische Sagen und Philosopheme der ältesten Zeit, which is noteworthy as being quoted, forty years later, by Strauss in his Leben Jesu. Schelling, in his youthful essay, touched on the mythical elements of religion with much more historical perception and spirituality than Strauss, though also in a rationalistic direction. These mythico-theological researches which occupied his youth attracted him again in his old age: they form the chief contents of the Philosophie der Mythologie und der Offenbarung. In like manner, being originally intended for the clerical state, he became a Doctor of Theology quite late in life. The end answered to the beginning, with this distinction, that the old man retracted the rationalism of the youth, and devoted himself to investigating the positive foundations of religion and spiritual life. Hence his whole development is dramatic, and only in the last act arrives at its complete solution. His career ought to be considered in this light, which exhibits, as the fruit of his long life of thinking, the final acknowledgment of the value of positive facts, and the ultimate creation of a positive philosophy, as a contrast to the philosophy of his youth, which, in his after years, he regarded as a negative one.

The novel teaching of Fichte made a deep impression on the mind of young Schelling, and led him to acknowledge philosophy as the true vocation of his life. His first philosophical treatise, Ueber die Möglichkeit einer Form der Philosophie, is still considered very abstract. It contains the following remarkable passage: "I desire that none of my readers may be a stranger to the great consciousness which the prospect of a finally attainable unity of knowledge, faith, and will (the ultimate inheritance of mankind, which will soon be demanded more loudly than before) must call forth in every one worthy to have heard the voice of truth." These were bold words for a youth of nineteen. They betoken a lofty enthusiasm for the search after truth, a tendency towards regarding things in their totality, and an unflinching confidence in his own power of thinking. Moreover, they contain the fundamental note of all his philosophical works, which always aim at setting forth philosophy as a whole, but each time from a new and peculiar point of view, êv kaì ñāv. His next work, Vom Ich als Princip der Philosophie, beginning with Fichte, soon passed beyond him. The Ich is here not simply Fichte's Ich of human consciousness,

but is made a universal form, whereby it becomes the simple act of positing itself, that is, absolute activity, or self-activity, with no motor outside itself-actus purus. The Ich thus conceived was in one respect identical with the absolute substance of Spinoza, and in another was its pure opposite. For the absolute substance of Spinoza, though absolutely causa sui, and containing nothing but itself, is conceived in esse as object or reality, while the Ich of Schelling is not esse but a pure activity, not object and real, but pure subject and ideal. Thus Spinoza and Fichte became for Schelling the two poles of philosophy-the one representing absolute subjectivity, the other absolute objectivity; and his whole thoughts were absorbed in this contrast. But, having perceived and understood the duality, he felt the want of a higher unity; and this impulse called his own system into being. He thought that the Ich ought no longer to remain an empty abstraction as in Fichte, and the absolute substance no longer an inactive essence as in Spinoza. He wanted somehow to give concrete reality to Fichte, and life and spirit to Spinoza, and thus, if possible, to amalgamate the two.

In 1796 he went as a private tutor to Leipzig, where he zealously studied mathematics and the natural sciences, and made them the objects of his thought. In the next year he published his Ideen zur Philosophie der Natur, and shortly afterwards, Die Weltseele, eine Hypothese zur Erklarung des allgemeinen Organismus. These books attracted much attention, and laid the foundations of his fame. In both of them he starts with empirical inductions, whence he afterwards draws ample deductions. Long before electro-magnetism had been discovered, he maintained a close relationship between magnetism, electricity, and chemism. Magnetism, he said, is line-force; electricity is surface-force; and chemism is body-force: thus developing the whole physical process of nature out of the three dimensions of space. His Entwurf eines Systemes der Naturphilosophie (1799) was in a more speculative form. In it the doctrine of nature definitely became a branch of philosophy. Schelling at that time had much influence on natural researches in Germany; and his philosophy of nature found many adherents. It afterwards fell in repute, when his earnest research degenerated, in the hands of superficial followers, into a frivolous paradox.

There was still a theorem to demonstrate:How does nature, as the real, through the gradual process of its manifestations, become ideal, till it reaches its ultimate subjectivity in man? For with Schelling man is the microcosm in which the whole macrocosm is centralized and reproduced-a thought which Oken has since worked out in detail. For an empirical proof of this process of the gradual idealizing of nature, Schelling made special use of the phenomenon of light, as something unreal, and, in contrast with matter, almost ideal, so that it has always served as an emblem of spirit. Again, as in the philosophy of nature the real by degrees becomes ideal, so,

on the other hand, it was to be shown how the | stant intercourse with the highest minds of ideal in its turn gradually becomes real. This the time; and his lectures were attended by Schelling endeavoured to do in his Systeme des hundreds from all quarters, and of all ages. transscendentalen Idealismus (1800), the word It was the noontide of his fame. For the protranscendental being understood after the pagation of his theories he founded the Jourmanner of Kant, to denote an inquiry which nal für speculative Physik, and in union with passes beyond the phenomenon into the nou- Hegel, who about that time had settled in menon. In this work, from the Ich as a Jena, the Kritische Journal der Philosophie. purely ideal principle he deduces a new world, He also published his Bruno oder über das the highest elevation of which he makes the natürliche und göttliche Princip in den Din region of art, where the ideal becomes wholly gen, and his Vorlesungen über die Methode des real, and thought invests itself with bodily academischen Studiums, one of the best known form. Natural philosophy and transcendental of his works. In style these lectures are idealism are accordingly the main branches of amongst the very best that the scientific prose this system. But the central point of all his of Germany can boast. speculation is the absolute, which, considered in itself, is neither ideal nor real, but is an indifference, raised above all opposites, which may variously manifest itself either as ideal or as real, and yet remains unaltered, and only identical with itself. Hence Schelling's philosophy has been called the philosophy of identity.

Of course, it was a pantheistic doctrine. It openly professed to be so, and in this respect advantageously contrasted with Hegel's system, in which the pantheism is veiled under dialectic formulas. Hegel borrowed from Schelling his most relevant thoughts, his original part being his dialectic method. Schelling's method was constructive; for the creative force of his mind lay chiefly in his intuition, which he called intellectual contemplation. This was rejected by Hegel, who was weak in intuition but powerful in reflection. The philosophy of Schelling was a product of enthusiasm, springing from the sense of oneness with the universe. Hence his marvellous facility and assurance in embracing the deepest and most comprehensive combinations, which his mind pours forth with an exhaustless abundance; hence also the bold swing of his style, the pregnant language, the lightninglike effect of his thoughts, and his dictatorial and oracular manner, which suffers no objections, but thunders down his adversaries with a single bolt. In order to understand all this rightly his times have to be taken into account. It was the period of the revolution. As in France all institutions had been overthrown, and new constitutions were springing up every year, so in Germany there was a great fermentation in the world of ideas; a great change had come over poetry and philosophy, and system was supplanting system. In the midst of this agitation Schelling stood forth the most gifted and comprehensive amongst the thinkers of the time, as Goethe did amongst the poets. The affinity of the two men comes out strikingly in the fact that they both had such teeming minds as scarcely to appear twice in the same aspect. Each in his old age became quite different from what he had been. The first part of Faust is as different from the last as Schelling's earlier philosophy from that of his later years. It was through the influence of Goethe that Schelling was appointed in 1798 to a Professorship at Jena. This University was then at the height of its renown. Here Schelling lived in con

It was but natural that the philosophy of nature should lead its founder into the region of medicine. To study medical practice he went for a time to Bamberg, where there was a renowned clinical school. After being initiated into the system of the English Doctor Brown, he made an attempt at connecting its theory of organic excitements with his own philosophical system. The University of Landshut in Bavaria (afterwards transferred to Munich) rewarded him with the honorary title of Doctor in Medicine. Meanwhile events occurred at Jena which made his position unbearable. After the departure of Fichte the University had rapidly decayed; and Schelling wished also to go. Accordingly in 1803 he accepted the invitation of the University of Würzburg, where, with his friend Marcus, he proposed to devote himself to the reform of medicine. There the present volume of his correspondence ends, leaving the greater portion of his career still to be illustrated.

37. THE authentic documents relative to the great French political trials, from the overthrow of the old monarchy to the establishment of the present Empire, have hitherto remained scattered through the various official papers of the time. Extracts from them have been produced by various writers, but only for the purpose of establishing particular conclusions; and historical students who have desired to obtain an accurate knowledge of this page in the history of France have been obliged to go through the arduous labour of personally verifying all their materials. M. de Ketschendorf has endeavoured to remedy this inconvenience by his Recueil complet des discussions législatives et des débats résultant des grands procès politiques jugés en France de 1792 à 1840. The six great trials it contains point, as it were, the history of France for half a century. The first part gives the debates with regard to Lewis XVI., Marie Antoinette, Marie Elizabeth, and Philippe d'Orléans, with an additional chapter relative to the general banishment of the Bourbons; the next refers to the impeachment of the Ministers of Charles x.; and the third, which concludes the work, is concerned with the trial of the present Emperor after the Strasburg and Boulogne attempts.. The first part is the most important: it includes the discussions on the questions whether the King could be tried, and what were the forms to be observed in the

trial, as well as on the question of the appeal to the people, with the results of the divisions, and the reports on the documents cited in the case of Lewis XVI. M. de Ketschendorf has rightly refrained from all expression of his own opinions, and limited himself to a brief statement of the position of affairs immediately before or after each trial.

38. M. LAVOLLÉE's Portalis, sa vie et ses œuvres, contains a careful biography, and on the whole a just estimate of the most statesmanlike of the French jurists. In the eighteenth century a school of writers, among whom Montesquieu was foremost, rescued the study of the law from the proverbial pedantry of the older civilians, and refreshed it with literary culture and philosophical principles. Portalis showed himself from the first an apt disciple of this school. His first speech, delivered at the age of nineteen, broke through the traditions and scandalized the Court. A friend told him that it would be necessary to change his manner. "Sir," he replied, "the bar must change, not I." He rose rapidly to the top of his profession in Provence; and his speeches and opinions on political and ecclesiastical questions carried his reputation through the whole of France. Always a zealous and enlightened Catholic, he defended religion against scepticism and against intolerance. The province to which he belonged was united but loosely with the rest of France; and Portalis was a strenuous asserter of its privileges, and of its particular laws. He was at that time opposed to artificial uniformity in legislation whilst variety prevailed in custom, and wished the laws to be fitted to the ways and traditions of the several parts of the country. As he thus claimed the legislative power for the people, he looked on the monarchy as essentially limited in its authority, and held that the king was responsible to his subjects. On the question of constitutional liberty, though not on that of social equality, his creed was the creed of 1789; but, like Burke, he shrank from the violence with which it was put in action. It is a greater evil, he said, to destroy than to suffer. This temper of mind spoiled his efficiency during the Revolution, and kept him on the inoperative side. The coup d'état of Fructidor drove him into exile, where he wrote an elegant but slightly superficial book on the philosophy of the eighteenth century. On his return during the Consulate he rose immediately to the highest honours and the greatest influence. He was one of the chief authors of the Civil Code, and of the measures for the restoration of the Church in France. In preparing the Code Napoléon, Portalis, who had renounced his early aversion for uniformity of law, contended for the Roman code in preference to the national legislation. His opinions did not always prevail: but the preliminary Discourse was his work. It contains a maxim which has been often quoted: "Il est utile de conserver tout ce qu'il n'est pas nécessaire de détruire." He was less distinguished for depth and solidity of legal knowledge than for practical

experience, and especially for a sonorous and majestic eloquence, in which brevity and force were sometimes wanting. "Portalis," said Napoleon, "would be our finest and most eloquent orator, if he knew how to stop." He took a prominent part in the settlement of religion, and in all the measures which secured the influence of the national will over the national faith-of the State over the Church. The statement of principles in his speeches on these questions is so lucid that they still enjoy an almost classical authority. The last discussion in which he took part was that on capital punishment. The King of Holland wished to abolish it. Portalis convinced him that it ought to be retained, but mitigated by a frequent use of the prerogative of mercy. He did not understand the great maxim of criminal law, that punishment ought to be neither uncertain nor arbitrary.

M. Lavollée writes well; and his admiration for Portalis leads him into no excess of praise. He admits that his character was deficient in force and independence, and that he sometimes defended what he could not approve. On most points his remarks are sound. Here is what he says of Primogeniture:-"Sur tous les territoires habités par la race anglo-saxonne, la liberté de tester a conservé la grande propriété, développé la grande industrie; elle a permis de porter au plus haut dégré de perfection l'agriculture et les arts mécaniques; elle a stimulé l'activité des déshérités, développé leur esprit d'entreprise, et favorisé une émigration qui couvre le quart de la terre habitable; elle a, enfin, maintenu dans sa puissance l'aristocratie territoriale Anglaise.. Sous l'ancien régime, en effet, les résultats de la liberté testamentaire étaient analogues en France: l'agriculture et l'industrie y avaient, il est vrai, peu progressé; mais, comme en Angleterre, l'aristocratie se perpétuait, et comme l'Angleterre, la France portait en elle une sève surabondante qui répandait dans le monde de vaillants colons et d'aventureux émigrants. Depuis que l'égalité des partages a prévalu dans notre pays, la situation a changé. L'aristocratie disparaît; la France, loin de coloniser, comble avec peine les vides de sa population; mais, d'un autre côté, la division des héritages a multiplié presque à l'infini la petite propriété, et, par là, elle a donné une base solide à la democratie moderne, elle a créé des citoyens là où, il y a cent ans, existaient à peine des hommes, elle a fait entrer dans les mœurs, l'égalité civile, elle a cimenté l'union nationale et accru, dans une proportion énorme, la valeur du sol." It is disappointing to find a man who can write this affirming that the doctrine of passive obedience is inculcated by the New Testament and by the Church.

39. THE life of General Scharnhorst has hitherto been presented to the world in short sketches only. Herr Klippel has now undertaken a detailed biography of him; and the two published volumes of it trace his career from his birth at Bordenau in Hanover, in 1755, to his entrance into the Prussian service in 1801. Hardenberg was also born in Hano

acquired the special favour of the Count, which he retained to the end. The Count died in 1777; and Scharnhorst then entered the Hanoverian service, where he soon distinguished himself as a scientific instructor and writer. His first laurels were won during the cam

ver; and Stein was a native of the Duchy of Nassau: so that the three men to whom the salvation and reorganization of the Prussian Monarchy after 1806 is chiefly due were none of them Prussians, but all belonged to the provinces that have been lately annexed. Similarly, Blücher was not a Prussian, but a Meck-paign of 1793 in the Netherlands, at the battle lenburger, and Gneisenau a Saxon. Scharnhorst's father had been a soldier in the ranks, and married the daughter of a Bordenau farmer; and the boy, with his brothers, used to work in the fields, and had no other instruction than that of the village school. But he read eagerly the books lent him by the minister of the parish, especially when they related to military history. His earnest desire was to enter a military school; and at last the death of his maternal grandfather provided the means for the accomplishment of his wish.

of Handscote; and to Walmoden, whose interest he there engaged, he afterwards owed many advantages-amongst others, the acquaintance of Stein. In the following year came the defence of Menin, under Hammerstein, who held out for several days against overwhelming forces, and at last cut his way through the enemy's camp. The plan of these operations was due to Scharnhorst, who took an active part in their execution, as well as in the further movements of the campaign which ended with the retreat of the Anglo-Hanoverian army. To learn and to teach were his essential characteristics; and the Dutch war afforded him a wealth of experience by which he profited in later years. His remarkable firmness of mind and power of abstract thought remained with him through the toils and dangers of actual service. While he was commanding his corps amidst the shower of missiles at Menin, he was also busy with scientific observations on the effect of the missiles themselves; and one of his scientific works was completed in the camp. Not the least instructive lesson of the war to such a man was derived from the variety of the nations whose armies took part in it. With the Hanoverians were English, Dutch, and Austrian troops; and opposed to them were the soldiers of the French Republic. Scharnhorst's observation convinced him of the necessity of a complete change in the old military tactics. The peace of Basil, which was the result of Prussian policy, established the historical precedent for the

At a little distance from Bordenau is a large lake, called the Steinhudermeer, the southern shores of which belonged to the county (now principality) of Lippe Schaumburg. Here at that time reigned the celebrated Count William, whose personal qualities entitle him to rank amongst the greatest of German princes. Possessing military genius, and full of enthusiasm for a soldier's life, he was nevertheless a wise and beneficent as well as an energetic ruler, and consulted the welfare of his little territory with an almost paternal solicitude. In the Seven Years' War he served for some time as a General under the command of the Duke of Brunswick, and afterwards proceeded to Portugal, where he re-organized the army, and, at the head of the allied English and Portuguese, successfully defended the country against the Spaniards. On the conclusion of peace he returned home, and devoted himself to the administration of his county, and to military studies. He wrote a work on Military Defence, which was printed but not pub-present "Main line" partition, by separating lished, and in which he endeavoured to show how wars might be averted by a proper system of defence in the different countries. To illustrate his ideas, he built on an artificial islet in the Steinhudermeer, a little fortressthe still-existing Wilhelmstein-where military science was taught, both theoretically and practically, and where he lived for a part of each year, superintending the military exercises of his young garrison. In this school Scharnhorst became a pupil; and all that he afterwards accomplished may be traced back to the teaching he received there. The idea of a general popular armament, the principle of the subsequent Prussian Landwehr, had been put forward by the Count, and practically introduced into his little dominion. The same spirit of German patriotism which later on inspired the pupil's military schemes had also lived in the master. And even the local situation of Wilhelmstein was not without its influence; for the neighbourhood of the Steinhudermeer is classic ground in German history, from its having been the scene of a defeat sustained by the legions of Germanicus. Scharnhorst was seventeen when he entered this school. By vigorous efforts he supplied the defects of his former knowledge, and soon

the north from the rest of Germany, and declaring it neutral. To protect this neutrality a corps of observation was formed under the command of the Duke of Brunswick, to which Hanover contributed some 15,000 men; and Scharnhorst became Quartermaster-General. His capacity and energy in this position commended him to the Duke, who endeavoured to win him for the Prussian service; and overtures were also made to him from Denmark. All these offers were put aside. But he had enemies at the Hanoverian Court, who were jealous of his success, and unwilling to see a man of low extraction preferred to high appointments. Scharnhorst was anxious for advancement, and made an application which was not granted. Justly indignant at this refusal he accepted the repeated invitation from Berlin, and at the beginning of 1801 entered the Prussian service. From this point begins that portion of his life which acquired him a general European fame. Herr Klippel's very instructive but rather prolix volumes explain the circumstances that formed his character and determined his wider career.

40. Of all the creations of the Congress of Vienna, the least stable was the one that had

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