Friday, Jan. 24. LORD MELVILLE'S ANSWER TO THE A Message from the Lords by two Masters in Chancery, communicated from their Lordships a copy of the Answer given in by Lord Melville to the articles of impeachment exhibi. ted by this House against that Nobleman at their Lordships' bar, and directing it to be left with this House.— The answer was read by Mr Speaker, and purported-"That the Noble Lord having read the Charges exhibited by the House of Commons against him, for supposed high crimes and misdemeanors, the said Viscount saith for himself, that he hopes no want of form in this his answer, shall prejudice him before their Lordships; and saith, that he is in no wise guilty of all, or any of the said crimes, or misdemeanors, by the said articles so alleged to be by him committed, in manner and form; and that he will undertake to prove to this House, by credible witnesses, the truth of this assertion. He, therefore, submits himself to the candour of the House, and prays that he may be discharged from the premises." The answer was referred to the Committee appointed to draw up the articles of impeachment against Lord Melville. Saturday, Jan. 25. On a motion that the House should go into a Committee of Supply on Monday, Mr Grey said, that until the public business should be put into some regular train, and some efficient arrangement of administration made, no supply should be voted. Lord Castlereagh observed, that most probably before Monday the Hon. Gentleman's anxiety on this subject would be removed. His Majesty was taking measures for the immediate arrangement of a new Administration, and in the mean time the Seals of the Exchequer (as usual in similar cases) had been given to the Chief Justice of the Court of King's Bench. After a few words from Mr Fox, the motion was agreed to. Monday, Jan. 27. for some public mark of respect to the The Marquis of Titchfield seconded the motion, which was also cordially supported by Lord Louvaine, Mr H. Browne, Mr H. Addington, Sir R. Buxton, Lord Temple, Mr Wilberforce, Mr Ryder, Mr Rose, Lord Castlereagh, &c. &c. It was opposed by Lord Folkstone, the Marquis of Douglas, Mr W. Smith, Mr Fox, Mr Wyndham, Mr G. Ponsonby, &c. All the opposers of the motion bore ample testimony to the splendid talents and unceiving that it implied an approbation blemished integrity of Mr Pitt; but conof the system pursued by that minister throughout the whole of his administration, they must withhold their assent. Mr Windham said, that the feelings of the House had been referred to on this occasion. But it was a great deal more than a question of feeling-it involved the political consistency of all who had thought differently from the Right Hon. Gentleman, or opposed his measures. Allowing that great services were done to the country, the question would be, were all services to be rewarded in this manner? or, were the services only that were performed in office to be entitled to this distinction? Great services might be performed either in office or out of office; and if any difference was to be made, he thought those performed out of office were entitled to the preference, as many causes might operate in assisting a man in office to con tribute tribute to the public good. But it was not pretended that all such services ware to be followed by these honours. It was very different with the Commander of an army, or the Admiral of a fleet. He that routs his enemy performs an action that comes home to every man, and cannot be disputed. Men of all descriptions, easily unite in the admiration of such an action, and consequently in yielding the tribute due to it. But it was urged that the long services of the Right Hon. Gentleman claimed this mark of distinction; but long services of such a nature as his must be an additional objection to this measure, becase the less unanimity is to be expected. How can unanimity be looked for in a long political life? No man ever deserv ed better of his country than Mr Burke, and none had ever contributed more through a series of years to enlighten the morals and policy of his country; and it was proposed to honour his memory by a public funeral; but owing to a diversity of political opinion, the resolution could not be carried unanimously, and was for that reason dropped. When the French Revolution took place, it broke up the whole system of European politics. On that occasion, and on that subject, he thought with the Right Hon. Gentleman, and acted along with him in opposition to those who entertained sentiments different from his own on that particular subject, though agreeing in other respects. The Right Hon. Gentleman concluded by stating, that it was not to merit only this honour was to be given, but to merit accompanied by. success. We should not have had a Lord Nelson if he had lost the British fleet off Trafalgar, though perhaps the most merito. rious part of his life was when he was least successful, alluding to the action off Cape Teneriffe. He pleaded also the rareness of those honours, which had never been awarded to any but his father. He thought he had done his duty in opposing the motion. Mr R. Ryder was particularly severe on the opposition of Mr Windham.That gentleman, he said, at the most critical period of Mr Pitt's administration, had been in union with him; he had been a sharer in his councils-he had fought hand in hand with him those battles, by the successful issue of which, in that gentleman's own opinion, the constitution had been preserved-and now forgetting all former friendships and attachments, he took a part in this discussion, which he honestly believed no man in the House could possibly have anticipated from him. He had evinced an heroic disregard of every natural and every moral feeling, and his conduct would no doubt serve as a warning to his new political associates. Mr Rose entered into a short review of Mr Pitt's administration. He asked, at the time that Mr Pitt came into office, what was the situation of the country?-He found it at the end of a most ruinous war, its commerce annihilated, its navy considerably impaired. What were the consequences of his efforts?— During the period of his administration, our resources had been doubled, our manufactures, our seamen, and our shipping had been doubled. The funds, at the period alluded to, were much lower than they are now, after thirteen years war. The revenue was then barely equal to the interest of the debt, and the national expenditure was annually increasing that debt. The contrast in this particular was too obvious to demand illustration. With respect to the illustrious character who was the lamented object of the present motion, he would only say of him, that he had exhausted his life in serving his country, to the best of his great abilities; for it was no exaggeration to say, that the gallant Admiral, who had lately closed his brilliant career, by falling in the arms of victory, did not more decidedly lose his life in the service of his country than Mr Pitt; his anxiety for his country had destroyed him. It was well known to those who were in the room when that great man expired, that the last words he uttered were, "OH! MY COUNTRY!" Mr Fox." I do not know that I ever rose under the pressure of more painful feelings than at this moment. An Hon. Gentleman expressed his hope that all party feelings would be laid aside.From the present state of the country, it is my wish to conciliate the Right Hon. Gentleman-that it must be my wish to conciliate all the friends of Mr Pitt. It is my interest so to do at this moment. I certainly should gratify the personal feelings of many of those with whom whom I have the honour to act, by voting for this motion; it cannot, there fore, be supposed, that I am induced from party views to give a vote in opposition to every feeling of policy, of private friendship, of political connection, and of the personal respect I feel for the memory of the Right Hon. person who is the object of this motion. To that Right Hon. Gentleman I have been in a long course of opposition, and I feel it an honour to have been considered his rival. I am ready to allow he was a great man, and that all marked distinctions to such men are honourable to the country. I have no objection to allow, that many acts of his public service were important to his country, and especially his effective sinking fund, for paying off the national debt, which had my humble support, and was of the most essential service to the nation. Of his private and personal character, no man thinks more highly than I do; and with respect to his purity, so far as regarded pecuniary concerns, no man ever deserved greater praise; for, so far was he from dealing out to his friends, or to himself, any of the numerous advantages or great emoluments within his power, it was exactly the reverse; and he was personally and privately as pure and disinterested a man, I believe, as ever stood in his high situation.-If it had been proposed in this House to compensate those friends of the deceased who had been sufferers by his disinterestedness and carelessness towards all private or family interests, I should cheerfully have supported the proposal; but in a great instance of public honour and approbation, public duty is not to be complimented away. We are called upon, Sir, to erect a public monument to the memory of a Minister, and the approbation of his political life, which must have a strong influence upon posterity; and with respect to precedent, I will not consent to award public honours to the memory of a Minister and his measures, which it has been almost the uniform fate of my political life to oppose, and whose talents, in their application, have been so unfortunate for his country. If we compare the motives which induced the Parliament in 1778, to vote public marks of gratitude to the memory of Lord Chatham, we find, that he had humbled the power of the enemy, and elevated the power, the character, and consequence of this country in the general esteem of Europe. The glorious result of the seven years war, clearly and unequivocally established Lord Chatham's title to fame and public honour, upon grounds undisputed even by the bitterest of his enemies. I must observe, that throughout the whole of the present reign, a most unfortunate system of government has obtained, and upon that system may all the misfortunes of this country be charged; and though I am willing to allow the statesman-like talents of that Minister, whose measures I have so uniformly condemned-yet upon these grounds I cannot assent to this motion. Lord Castlereagh said, the Hon. Gentleman (Mr Fox) had acknowledged it as an honour in being considered the rival of his Right Hon. Friend, now no more: And in speaking of that exalted character he had displayed a candour worthy of a generous rival. He was ready to agree that no precedent could be more dangerous, than a too frequent habit of voting public honours in this way, upon light grounds, and to characters whose public services were not highly meritorious. But the splendid character of the great man, whose memory was the object of the motion before the House, was so totally out of the common tract, that no danger of an inconsiderate frequency in such marks of national respect, could arise from the prompt devotion of so just a testimony of his eminent deserts, even though it were the most splendid palladium the country could erect to his memory. Mr Wilberforce, in terms peculiarly impressive, bore testimony to the public virtues and splendid talents of Mr Pitt, in whom he declared the love of country was to be found as sincere and ardent as ever yet existed in any human bosom. When the revolutionary spirit had convulsed France, and alarmed the whole civilized world, that distinguished Statesman completely succeeded, by the vigour and sagacity of his measures, in preventing that dreadful plague from reaching us. This was the main source of his distinction-this was the great pedestal of his fame. Of him, indeed, it might well be said, that the first wish of his heart was the good of his country, and the sole object of his study the Tuesday, Jan. 28. interest of his country. Hau self been of any consequence in his consideration, TREATIES WITH RUSSIA AND Austria. he might have materially contributed to promote his own views of policy. But to these things, which are so diligently consulted, and which are of such material use to other public men, Mr Pitt was quite inattentive. To whatever regarded his own interest he was perfectly indifferent. Indeed this distinguished man was always forgetting himself, but ever REMEMBERING HIS COUNTRY! On a division, the motion was carried by a majority of 258 to 89. The House in a Committee voted 120,000 seamen and marines for the service of the current year. Resolved, that there be granted as wages for the same, at the rate of 375. per man per month, for 13 months, the sum of L. 2,886,000 -For victuals for the same, at the rate of 38s. per man per month, for the same period, -For tear and wear of ships, at the rate of 31. per man per month, for the same period, --For ordnance for the sea service, at the rate of 5s. per man per month, for the same period, Total 4,680,000 Lord Castlereagh presented copies of the foreign treaties, the same as those laid before the upper house. He said, these contained every thing of a military nature between the countries with whom we had been in alliance, which it was deemed proper to make public. Ministers did not consider it their duty, in the first instance, to lay before the House any part of them which had not been acted on. The first feature to be considered was, the number of men which this country was given to understand, not only would be furnished, but was actually ready to take the field; and the second, what was the cause of the failure, and to whom it was to be attributed? It was important, in considering this, to state, that the plan of the campaign did not proceed from this country. Neither did it proceed from Rus2,964,000 sia, whose remote situation might have made her less competent to judge on the subject. But it would appear, from the documents on the table, that we were not entitled to doubt that, exclusive of any assistance that might be expected from the Court of Berlin, there was actually to be depended on from Austria and Russia, ready to take the field, and act against France, if she should not accede to reasonable terms of peace, a force of 500,000 men. The plan for the campaign proceeded from Austria; and it would be for the House to see if the failure of the plan did not also proceed from that power. In evidence of this, it would appear that the advance beyond the Inn was an absolate breach of the military plan pledged. Russia, on the contrary, confor med entirely to the strict letter of the plan which had been agreed on, and her first column of 50,000 men arrived three days sooner than had been bargained. There was nothing he so much desired, as that a transaction of so great a magnitude should not be allowed to sink into darkness, but that the public should have an opportunity of judging, how far the endeavours of their servants had been satisfactorily exerted in promoting the interests of their country.After a short conversation, the papers were ordered to lie on the table. 390,000 L. 10,920,000 Mr Paul moved that the papers presented respecting the Nabob of Oude, be printed-ordered. The Hon. Gentleman then moved for a variety of other papers, on which he said he meant to found charges, and a motion for impeachment against the Marquis Wellesley. Sir Theophilus Metcalf objected to the production of these papers at the present moment, assigning as his reason, that the disclosure of those produced last summer had given Bonaparte great intelligence of Indian transactions. Mr Paul and Mr Francis denied this, and asserted, that the Noble Lord (Castlereagh) had no objection to the production now desired. The papers were then ordered, and Mr Paul gave notice that he should fix an early day for bringing on his motion for impeaching Lord Wellesley. 1 Lord He took a THANKS TO THE Fleet. Lord Castlereagh rose to call the attention of the House to the interesting and important subject of Thanks to the Officers, Seamen, and Marines, who were engaged in the brilliant and decisive action off Cape Trafalgar. view of the whole naval campaign of the last year, spoke in the most glow ing terms of the conduct of Lord Nelson, not only in the battle of Trafalgar, but on every occasion in the course of his service, which furnished the means of calling his great powers into operation. The Noble Lord then adverted to the munificence of his Majesty, and to his gracious intentions towards the family of the deceased. His Majesty was desirous of providing for the widow of Lord Nelson in a manner suitable to her rank in life (Hear! hear!) by a pension of 2,000l. a-year. Besides this, it was proposed to give a stable mark of munificence to the name of Nelson, to remind posterity of the obligations they owe to his services. This should not be in the nature of a mere ordinary grant, but as a kind of national property, and be in land, not connected with a palace, which, from various causes, might not be an arrangement suitable to the interests of the family, but an estate; for which great object it was proposed to appropriate the sum of 200,000l. The Noble Lord then concluded by paying a very handsome encomium to the character and conduct of Lord Collingwood. He likewise added, that it was proposed to give the same rewards to the seamen as if the destroyed ships had actually been taken and brought into port. The thanks of the House were then voted, in the usual way, to Lords Collingwood and Northesk, Sir R. Strachan, and the officers, seamen, and marines; as were addresses to the King, praying that monuments might be erected in St Paul's to the memory of Captains Duff and Cooke. he wished to know why it had not been carried into effect. He moved for the production of a letter from his Lordship to the Directors on the subject, Ordered. Mr W. Dundas brought up the army estimates for three months from the zist of December. He had made them for so short a period, that no obstacle might be thrown in the way of any plan which might, under the new arrangements, be thought necessary. In a Committee of Supply, Mr W. Dundas moved that there be granted for the service of the present year, for three months, the number of 134,575 effective men. Agreed to. The requisite sums were also voted for their maintenance, for guards and garrisons, forces in the plantations, militia, &c. Lord Castlereagh presented messages from the King, stating that he had been pleased to grant the following pensions : To Lady Nelson, 2000l. a-year for life; to Lord Collingwood, and his two successive heirs male, 2000l. a year; and to Sir R. Strachan, 1oool. a year for life; and recommending to his faithful Commons to make good the same. Monday, Feb. 3. MONUMENT TO MARQUIS CORNWALLIS. Lord Castlereagh said, he was sensible Parliament should not be called upon to confer the highest honours on any individual, but on the ground of his indisputable merits. That was the general rule, though there were splendid exceptions to it. In the present case, however, there could be but one universal sentiment. His conduct in the discharge of his public duty was always such as to set aside all party considerations. The talents indeed of the Marquis Cornwallis, were not such as to enable him to make a splendid figure in parliamentary discussions, but his military, and other services and merits, claimed the admiration of his country. He bore the largest share in military. sufferings, and while the highest successes did not lessen his humanity or moderation, neither did any reverses by any means damp his intrepid and exalted spirit. He then took a historical view of the various military services of the Noble Marquis, and passed also a great eulogium on his conduct in bringing about the union with Ireland. He then urged the self devotion which led him, |