the worthy descendants of the ancient and honourable family of France was not long since shed by the hand of violence. This shocking circumstance was not only a specimen of the ideas which the French Government entertained of law and equity, but also a most disgusting picture of the system it had adopted, and in every respect affording a signal warning to all governments. While this incroachment furnished the great states with such a view as enabled them to draw the most genuine conclusions respecting the irresistible power of France, the smaller states were converted into provinces, by violence or intrigue; and the danger appeared not less general than overwhelming, as it seemed that security against these menaces was no longer to be found in any distance from the scenes of action.

"The most justifiable claims, made by us upon the French Government, were fruitless in obtaining indemnities for the demands made by several of our subjects, respecting unlawful captures, arbitrary freightage, and an illegal embargo as the lawless proceedings of the French Government were carried on to such a pitch, as to lay the Swedish commerce under considerable embarrassment in the French ports. Such proceedings could only increase the apprehensions entertained of this danger ous conduct, and excite a wish for the organization of an adequate counterpoise against a power which had so rashly committed itself in its endeavours to obtain a superiority, and availed itself of every unjust means to obtain the end proposed.

"But as no state was powerful enough to escape the effects of these practices, we hoped that the general experience of these outrages would finally unite and concur, in their efforts to remove this common nuisance, and effectually to resist that power, the object of which was, by degrees, to subjugate all others.

"This period has at length arrived, and the greatest powers in Europe have taken the field, to support their own dignity and independence. We have united ourselves with them in every worthy and friendly connection, and for the purpose of sharing in all undertakings, have drawn closer the ties of amity; and we hope with the assistance of Providence, to contribute to the

restoration of the general tranquillity. With this view, we have now passed over, with a part of our army, to Pomerania, there to unite our power with the Russian forces; and, further, to act with energy in such a manner as circumstances may require.

"In consequence of this laudable and weighty determination, we fully expect to be accompanied by the blessings and prayers of our faithful subjects, as it is our purpose to contend for the future independence, and the honour of the Swedish name."

On the 30th October, a considerable corps of Prussians, under the command of Gen. Kalkreuth, entered the Electorate, who, after the arrival of the English troops, held several consultations with Gen. Don, and the Russian Gen. Tolstoy. It has been reported, upon some authority, that the King of Sweden, who took the command of his own army, was not a party to these conferences; and it was generally surmised that his Majesty's landing in Pomerania, was viewed with an eye of jealousy by his Prussian Majesty. It is certain, that when the subsidiary treaty between England and Sweden was in agitation in the spring of 1805, the King of Prussia issued a declaration, addressed to the King of Sweden, purporting that he would consider the landing of any military force in Pomerania, as a hostile movement against the Prussian domimons.

The Emperor of Russia having engaged in the grand alliance against France, seems to have been desirous of a personal interview with the King of Prussia; a power, as we have already said, of which it was of the last importance to obtain the co-operation. The intended meeting, it was at first supposed, would have taken place at a town on the confines of Polish Prussia, while his Imperial Majesty was on his journey from Petersburgh, to join his army destined for the support of the Emperor of Germany in the approaching campaign. But the Prussian monarch, as we are told, had been for some time threatened with an attack of the gout, which made it inexpedient for him to travel. And in consequence of an invitation from his Majesty, the Emperor set out for Berlin. The King's brothers, Prince William and Prince Henry, met his Imperial Majesty at the

country

country palace of the Princess of Holstein - Beck, near Fredericksfield, and complimented him in the name of his Prussian Majesty. The Emperor joined the two princes in their carriage, and arrived at Berlin on the 25th October, amidst the acclamations of the inhabitants, and under a discharge of artillery. From the Long-bridge to the portico of the Palace, three battalions of grenadiers stood under arms, together with the regiment of Mollendorf, while the body-guards and the gensd'armes paraded in the garden. The Emperor was received at the colonade of the grand portico by the King, accompanied by the Crown Prince, and Prince Frederick of Prussia, and conducted to the apartments of King Frederick William II. which had been prepared for his reception, where the Emperor found the whole Royal Family and the Court assembled.

The Queen met the Emperor at the door of the apartment, and when all the persons present had been presented to him, his Imperial Majesty, accompanied by the King, and the Royal Princes, walked again to the grand colonade, and saw the troops march off, at which they expressed their satis faction. The Emperor then returned to the Royal apartments to breakfast.

In the suite of his Imperial Majesty were the Chief Marshal Count Tolstoi, Prince Czartorinski, Prince Dolgorucky, Count Liewen, the Emperor's own physician and Counsellor of State Ville, and Counsellor of State d'Oubril.

His Imperial Majesty continued for several days at Berlin, domesticated with their Prussian Majesties. During this period, it would appear that seve ral conferences were held with the Prus. sian ministers on the important business of the alliance, and it has been positively said that his Prussian Majesty, on the 3d of November, actually signed some contingent agreement in favour of the allies. It may however be inferred, from the events which have since occurred, that this agreement chiefly regarded the preservation of the tranquility of the north, particularly Hanover.

In the beginning of November Lord Harrowby embarked at Yarmouth for Germany. He arrived at Cuxhaven on the 8th, and at Berlin on the 16th, and was followed some days afterwards by

Lord Harrington. Several conferences were held between them and the Prussian Minister, all supposed to relate to the same important object. The Prussian Minister Count Haugwitz was about this time dispatched on a secret mission to the French Emperor. On the 17th December Lord Cathcart ar-rived at Bremen from England, and took the command of the British army, which at that time was quartered at Bremen, Delmenhorst, Oldenburgh, and Hanover.

ENGLAND.

TRIAL OF SIR ROBERT CALDER. The Court Martial to inquire into the conduct and proceedings of ViceAdmiral Sir Robert Calder, with his Majesty's squadron under his command, on the 23d day of July last; and also his subsequent conduct and proceedings, until he finally lost sight of the enemy's ships, and for not having done his utmost to renew the engagement, and to take and destroy every ship of the enemy, which it was his duty to en gage, assembled on Monday, Dec. 22. on board the Prince of Wales, at Portsmouth. It was composed of the following officers:

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Vice-Admirals Montagu (President), Holloway, and Rowley; Rear-Admirals, Thornborough, Sutton, and Coffin Captains R. D. Oliver, Jas. Atholwood; T. B. Capel, Jas. Bisset, John Irving, John Seater, and John Larmour.

Mr Bicknell conducted the prosecution for the Lords of the Admiralty. After the usual preliminary proceedings, he proceeded to call his witnesses. The first witness was Rear-Admiral Sir Charles Stirling, whose evidence was to the following effect :

On the 23d of July his flag was on board the Glory; the British fleet consisted of 15 sail of the line, z frigates, a lugger, and a cutter. At day-light on the 23d, part of the van was far advanced to the enemy, the body of the fleet lying to. The Malta, the Thunderer, the two frigates, and the two prizes taken the day before, were not in sight. The enemy's force appeared to be 18 sail of the line, and 7 or 8 others.

"When the day advanced," the Admiral proceeded, "the British van bore up to join the Admiral, and soon after the fleet wore, and ran to leeward, till we joined the Malta and Thunderer,

'with the prizes, when we hauled our wind with the main topsail to the mast; the enemy had come down towards us, and the British fleet had lowered their colours, but about the time of our haul. ing our wind, they hauled theirs. We were not in any order of sailing or of battle, and therefore we sometimes had our main topsail full, or kept it aback, to keep such distance from the Admiral as I thought he would approve. A look-out frigate from the enemy having come down to reconnoitre, in the course of the forenoon, the Triumph was sent to chace her, and afterwards lay to between the two fleets. The Dragon was sent to take the Windsor Castle in tow. About noon, the enemy, I think, bore for north-west by north to west, and by north; the wind was northwest and by north. The crippled ships stood on the larboard tack, and it appeared to me that the Admiral's object was to keep company with them. The enemy sometimes during the day, besides the time I before mentioned, bore up in line of battle, and then again hauled their wind, not approaching us, I believe, nearer than four leagues, or far ther than six from us, keeping near in the same line of bearing. About midnight, firing was heard in the direction where the enemy was, when the wind shifted to the northward, or rather came to the eastward of north, and, at daylight in the morning, they were seen steering away about south-east. I do not remember seeing them from the deck any part of the day, therefore can only speak of their bearings from the report of such officers as I sent up to look after them, who told me they kept receding from us, till about six o'clock, when I understood they could be no longer seen from the Glory. About eight, the British fleet wore with their head to the north-west; the wind, as the day advanced, had come more round to the eastward."

Questioned by the Court.-Admiral S. stated, that on the morning of the 13d, the Vice Admiral made a signal, to ask what ships had occasion to lie by to refit? The answer from the Glory was in the negative. The British fleet, by going to leeward, would have increased their distance from the enemy, had the latter lain to, but, as they bore up, they neared our fleet as the day advanced.

Had the British fleet kept their wind, they could have afforded no protection to the captured ships. When the enemy vauntingly bore up, (they could have brought our fleet to action when they chose during the 23d), the Vice- Admi ral occasionally hauled his wind, and then edged down to near the prizes. He could not say, whether the British could have brought the enemy's fleet to action on the 23d; they did not lay their heads towards them. As the wind was, and as the enemy bore, they could not have been fetched on the 23d, if they chose to avoid it by going on a contrary tack. At no time during the 23d or 24th, did the Vice Admiral make any signal indicative of a disposition to renew the attack; it appeared to be his object to keep company with the crippled ships. The fleet continued steering from the enemy. He knew nothing to prevent it from following the enemy on the 24th, had the Admiral thought proper. No ship appeared to be disabled but the Windsor Castle.

In reply to some questions from Admiral Calder, the witness said, that on the morning of the 24th there was a considerable swell, and little wind in the early part of the day; that when he left Rochefort on the 12th, the enemy's force there consisted of one three-decker, two 80 gun ships, three 74's, and several smaller vessels, ready to take the first opportunity of pushing out; that the British fleet was always placed between the enemy's squadron and the captured ships, and also so placed, as long as they were in sight, as to prevent them from fetching Ferrol.

The other witnesses examined were, Mr Craddock, master of the Glory, Admiral Martin, and Captains Durham and Inman. They all agreed in stating that no ship appeared to be disabled, but the Windsor Castle, and that the Admiral made no signal on the 23d or 24th, indicative of a disposition to renew the action. This latter fact was admitted by Admiral Calder, who said he should afterwards state his reasons for it; and this admission of course greatly shortened the evidence for the prosecution, which was all to the same effect as that of Admiral Stirling.

The Court adjourned to Tuesday, and from that (Sir R. Calder not being prepared with his defence) to Wednes

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day, when they met at ten o'clock, and permission was given to Mr Gasalee, Sir Robert's Counsel, to read his defence. It began with adverting to the singular situation in which he appeared before the Court. "Having,", said Sir Robert," served my King and Country not only without reproach, but I may add, with some degree of reputation, for 46 years, during which I have been more than once honoured with marks of approbation from my Sovereign; having for the last ten months been employed on a most severe and critical service, without once being in port, and having in the course of it, with a very inferior fleet, forced a superior one of the enemy, who had the advan tage of wind and situation, into action, and obtained a decisive victory over them; I felt myself impelled to solicit the present inquiry, for the purpose of vindicating my honour and my character from a variety of injurious and unfounded aspersions which have been cast upon me, in consequence of not having renewed the engagement during the two days the enemy afterwards remained in sight.” .

After a variety of observations to the same effect, he proceeded to say that his was not the only instance of a British fleet lying in sight of the enemy, without attempting to renew an engagement. Such was the conduct of Åd. miral Keppel in 1778, and of Lords Howe and St Vincent, after the brilliant victories of the 1st of June 1794, and 14th February 1797. In his case, the exercise of that discretion which must, in every case, be vested in the Commander of a squadron, was more particularly necessary. They had no force to contend with but that which they had already engaged: it behoved him to be on his guard against the Ferrol and Rochefort squadrons, consisting of 21 sail of the line, both which he had reason to believe were at sea.

In February, Sir Robert was detached with only seven sail of the line to blockade Ferrol and Corunna, in which were ten ships of the line and seven frigates nearly ready for sea, and three Spanish line of battle ships getting ready. With this small force he kept his station, and from time to time reported to the Commander in Chief the state of the enemy's fleet. In April the Tou

lon and Cadiz fleets joined, and the Brest fleet was on the move, when Sir Robert's situation become so dangerous, that Lord Gardner directed him, in the event of its being ascertained that the enemy had directed their course northwards, to join the squadron off Brest, or elsewhere. The combined squadrons however went to the West Indies, and as it was expected that they would return, and attempt a junction with the fleet at Ferrol, he was cautioned to be on his guard in case of that event. In the mean time, the preparations at Ferrol continued. On the 5th of July, Sir Robert received information, that 13 sail of the line, besides frigates and corvettes, were to leave Ferrol, and be at Corunna by the middle of the month, and that three other line of battle ships were getting ready. The enemy had erected signal posts from Cape Finisterre and Cape Ortegal to Ferrol, so that the combined squadron, on their return from the West Indies, might have easily communicated by land, their approach to the squadrons at Ferrol and Corunna, and directed them to be ready to push out, upon the signal posts announcing their being off the coast.

On the 15th, Sir Robert was joined by Admiral Stirling, but the same wind which enabled him to leave Rochefort, enabled the fleet which he had been blockading to escape to Corunna, which they did on the 18th, from whence they could get out at any time, and, had they availed themselves of two days favourable wind which ensued, they might have joined the enemy. At this time a letter was received from Lord Nelson, recommending a careful watch to be kept on Ferrol, as a port which the combined fleets might be supposed to attempt to enter. Accordingly, on the 21st, they came in sight, much more numerous, however, than had been sup. posed; not consisting of 16 sail of the line, as Admiral Cornwallis's accounts led to expect, but of 20 sail of the line, seven frigates and two brigs, and a lugger; while to oppose them were only 15 sail of the line, two frigates, and two cutters. Notwithstanding this superiority, and every disadvantage of wind and weather, he effected his object of forcing the enemy to battle; and by the valour of his second in command, and

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the bravery of his fleet in general, he had been enabled to atchieve, what he presumed to think was, in such circumsta ces, a great and important victory. Sir Robert then proceeded to detail the operations which he was of necessity compelled to adopt, in compliance with the instructions received from the Admiralty Board. Finding the blockade of Ferrol was raised, and the enemy put to sea, he judged it expedient not to renew the engagement, being surrounded on all sides by the different squadrons, and especially from the disabled state of many of his own squadron. He complained that his dispatches in the London Gazette, although professing to be copies of his letters, were not published whole and entire; if they had, he would not have been accused of trifling with the feelings of the public.He read a paragraph which had been suppressed in his letter to the Commander in Chief. In giving an account of the action of the 22d, he says " At the same time it will behove me to be on my guard, on account of the squadron at Ferrol and the two captured ships. I have sent them and the Windsor Castle away." If this had been stated, the public could not have expected so much. He also pointedly alluded to the réport circulated on the authority of Lieut. Nicholson, that he had authorised him to assure the Commander in Chief, that he had it in his power, and was determined to force the combined fleets to renew the action. He solemnly declared that he never sent any such message. It was never his intention to renew the action, until he had placed the Windsor Castle in a place of safety. He could not have renewed it on the 23d, and on the 24th, although the wind was favourable, he could not renew it without separating the squadron, and even then it was doubtful with what success. The question for the Court to decide was, whe ther the discretionary power vested in him, had not been used for the benefit of the country.

He called upon the Court to consider, what would be the situation of every officer in the British fleet, if he were not allowed to use his own discretion. He looked to its decision to restore to him, unpolluted, that character and that honour which had for nearly half a cen

tury been unpolluted, and on which, till the present moment, not the least shadow of suspicion could attach.

Sir Robert Calder, having concluded his defence, called a number of witnesses in support of the averments contained in it. The principal facts which their evidence went to prove were, that several of Sir Robert's ships were considerably damaged, that the enemy did not appear to have sustained much damage; that on he 23d Sir Robert could not have brought them to action, if they chose to avoid it, nor could he have compelled them to it on the 24th, without approaching so near the shore as to enable them to communicate by signals with Ferrol.

The evidence for the defence being closed, the Court adjourned to Thursday, when it met at ten o'clock, and continued in deliberation for six hours, when the doors were opened, and Sir Robert Calder being called in, the Judge Advocate read the sentence, which, after recapitulating the charge, &c. in the usual form, states, "That the Court is of opinion, THAT THE CHARGE HAS BEEN PROVED, and that the conduct of Vice Admiral Sir ROBERT CALDER has been HIGHLY REPREHENSIBLE; but they are of opini

on, THAT HIS CONDUCT HAS ARISEN FROM ERROR IN JUDGMENT, and not from cowardice or dissaffection; and therefore this Court doth order and adjudge, that the said Vice Admiral Sir ROBERT CALDER be SEVERELY REPRIMANDED, and he is hereby REPRIMANDED SEVERELY."

Sir Robert, during the whole of the trial, manifested an uncommon degree of firmness. In the examination of the witnesses he discovered a considerable degree of acuteness. He wore an undress uniform. When the sentence of the Court was delivered, it seemed to make a very deep impression upon him; and he retired evidently very much affected. He was accompanied by a great number of friends, and on deseend, ing from the deck of the Prince of Wales into his barge, scarcely lifted up his head, which was apparently bowed down by the weight of the sentence.

The Court was uncommonly crowded; and a general feeling pervaded the auditory, who sympathized with the Admiral, on the result of the trial. Funeral