The first of the followers who plunged himself in the infamy of the confpiracy, was the Marquis Francis-Affizes of Tavora, being urged by the perfuafions of the faid Marchionefs his wife, of the Duke of Aveiro his brother-in-law, and of the faid Jefuits. He made his houfe an infamous office of confpiracies, treacheries, and plots, against the King's life: he was alfo prefent at the conferences held at the Duke of Aveiro's, and contributed twelve moidores to reward the affaffins. Immediately after the affault, he was declared to be one of the accomplices, as well by the common voice of the public, as from the opinion and certain knowledge of the fervants of both houfes, and of the affociates. It was proved, that he affifted in one of the ambushes, which were laid, that if the King fhould efcape from one, he might fall into another. He was feen by the King that fame night, as he was retiring from the faid ambushes, in the grounds behind the Duke of Aveiro's garden, treating with the other accomplices a bout the crime, at which all had been aiding and affifting: and he was prefent at the meeting of the relations, which on the day following was held at the Duke of Aveiro's, in the town of Belem; where fome reproached the affaffins for not doing their work effectually; while others bragged, that they fhould have done it, had the King paffed by the ambushes in which they were poft ed. The fecond of the followers, whom the Marchionefs, the Duke of Aveiro, and the Jefuits confederated with them, by decoying him with the opinions of the Jefuits aforefaid, and particularly with the fpirituality of Gabriel Mala grida, and with calumnies against his Majefty's perfon and government, was the Marquis Lewis-Bernard of Tavora*; who reforted almost every day to [Luis Bernardo de Tavora, younger Marquis of that title, was the eldeft fon of the above-mentioned couple, and in the 36th year of his age. He was married, with a difpenfation obtained for that purpose from the Pope, to his father's youngeft fifter Dona Thereza de Favora, and Lorena (or Lorain), who was twenty days elder than him felf. This is the lady who is faid to be in the the Duke of Aveiro's, or was vifited by him; and offered arms and horfes for the perpetration of the fact. Two days before it was put in execution, he sent to the Duke of Aveiro's ftables two horfes ready bridled and faddled, and covered with their faddle-cloths. In the afternoon of the 3d of September, before the affault was made, he remained, contrary to his ufual custom, shut up with the Marquis his father, with Jofeph-Maria of Tavora his brother, and with others, confulting about it: he af fifted at the ambushes, and at the meeting of the confpirators next day. The third of the followers was Don Jerome of Ataide, Count of Atouguia *, fon-in-law to the aforefaid Marquis and Marchioness. He, with his Countess, almost every night affifted at the feditious cabals held at the Marquis's, he ing perverted by his mother-in-law to follow in all things her abominable ma xims, and the deteftable doctrines of the Jefuits, suggested by Gabriel Malagrida, John de Matos, and John Alexandre. He contributed eight moidores to reward the affaffins, and was an associate in the waylayings. The Countess, his wife, affifted at the family-meeting held on the morrow. nunnery of Santos. She is a middle-fized lady, comely in her perfon, and extremely elegant in her deportment. The Marquis, her husband, was a little man, and thin, well enough made, derable refemblance of his mother. He was nelbut not of a pleafing afpect, though with a confi ther deficient in wit or humour, but not amiabic in his conduct, nor extremely correct in his mo rals. This couple have a daughter living, in the twelfth year of her age, Dona Joanna de Tavora, who is exceeding beautiful: but who, without being an accomplice in their guilt, is, by the fentence of her father, grandfather, and grandmother, deprived of the very name, of which the would otherwife have become chief; and is, moroover, decreed infamous.] [Don Jeronymo de Ataide, Earl of Atouguia, one of the oldeft, if not the most ancient title of the kingdom. This nobleman was in the thirty-eighth year of his age, related himself to the Tavoras, and married to the eldest daughter of the elder Marquis and Marchioness of Tavo ra, and fifter to the young Marquis and Jofeph Maria of that name. He was of middle ftature, clumly in his make, of a heavy aspect, ungraceful demeanor, and of flow parts, but, in his go neral conduct an inoffensive man.] The Jan. 1759. The process against the Portuguefe confpirators. 23 The fourth follower, whom the a- Duke in a barrack behind the garden of forementioned three ringleaders, or his houfe at Belem, where the Duke heads, intangled in this confpiracy, by communicated to him, in great fecrecy, the methods already related, was Jo- the order for waylaying the carriage feph-Maria of Tavora, adjutant of the which conveyed his Majefty from the military orders of the Marquis of Tavo- country-houfe called de Meyo (or the ra, his father. This youth, who is an mid one) to that called de Cima, (or the officer, being perverted by his mother, upper one), where his royal palace not only entered into the confederacy, ftands; and for firing upon it with two holding himself wronged by his Majefty, fhort pieces of fire-arms, in company of but allo was prefent at the ambushes the faid Duke; afterwards changing laid, and concurred with the reft of their minds, they agreed, that he (Anthe affociates at the meeting held the tony-Alvares) fhould fpeak to the faid fame night, when they affembled in the Jofeph Policarp, who was his brotherground on the north of the Duke of A- in-law, that he might become an affoveiro's garden, close to the pent-house ciate. They both went on treating which leads to his buildings; and was, with the Duke concerning the difpofilikewife prefent at the meeting held the tions towards the perpetration of the day following, being the perfon who, crime; and went feveral times on foot alluding to his Majefty's efcape, faid, and on horfeback, in the company of Alas! the man ought not to have escaped. the Duke, in order to become acquainted with the King's carriage. The Duke ordered them to buy two horfes not known; which Antony-Álvares did buy accordingly; one of Lewis da Horta in Soccorro yard, for four moidores; another from Emanuel Soares, a gipfey, at Marvilla, for four moidores and a half. The Duke alfo ordered them to buy arms that could not be known; but Antony Alvares did not buy them; he, with his faid brother-in-law, making use of one blunderbufs of his own, of another which was borrowed, and of two pistols, which he had borrowed (under pretext of trying them) of a foreigner at the Count of Uniao's; and immediately after the attack, he returned them. These were the arms which Antony Alvares, and Jofeph Policarp, fired off against his Majefty's carriage. The reward they received for it from the Duke who gave them their orders, was forty moidores, fixteen at one time, four at another, and twenty at another. Immediately after discharging the faid arms on the back of the carriage, he the faid Antony, and his faid brother-in-law, fled through the grounds till they got into the lane, on the outfide of the garden de Meyo; from whence they retreated, through the crofs ftreet of the chief commiffary of health, directly to Lifbon. Two days afterwards, Antony Alvares being fent The fifth follower was Blaife-Jofeph Romeiro, a corporal in the company, fteward of the household, and the grand favourite of the Marquis Lewis-Bernard of Tavora, who, with the Marquis his father, gave him the charge, under tie of fecrecy, to lead the three horses, which, in the night of the affault, they ordered to be faddled, armed, and for warded to the grounds where the fact, was committed: he was prefent at the ambushes, and was the very affociate, who accompanied the Marquis Francis Affizes of Tavora: he was also present the meeting in the ground on the north of the Duke of Aveiro's garden. The fixth and feventh followers, whom the head of this confpiracy, the Duke of Aveiro, engaged in it, were Antony-Alvares Ferreira, formerly his valet de chambre, and Joseph Policarp de Azevedo, brother in-law to the faid Antony-Alvares. The Duke charged Emanuel Alvares, his actual valet de chambre, to fend for his faid brother Antony; who came and spoke with the [Jofeph Maria de Tavora, fecond and young. eft for of the elder Marquis and Marchioness of Tavora, in the twenty-third year of his age; of a middle faze, most beautiful face, genteel perfon, agreeable, deportment, and amiable difpofition. This young nobleman, had he lived, would probably have been married to his niece, the heiress of the family; and their offspring enjoyed the marquifate of Tavora.] D 2 for for to the Duke's house, the Duke reproached him greatly, faying, That thofe foot had been of no fervice; and uttering (with his finger on his mouth, and great ferenity) the following words, Huf! for the devil himself can know nothing of the matter, if you don't tell him; and charging him not to fell the horfes direaly, that he might not be fufpected. The eighth follower, whom the Duke drew in, was Emanuel-Alvares Ferreira. He feveral times fent for, and went to fetch the affaffin Antony-Alvares Ferreira, his brother: he brought the Duke the cloaks and the wigs, with which he difguifed himself the night of the affault. Till the time of his being taken, he kept a profound fecret the information his faid brother Antony had given him,' three or four days after the affault, of the order he had had from the Duke concerning it. He was the perfon, that, at the country-house of Azeitaô, made refiftance, by fnatching the fword from the fide of the notary Lewis-Antony de Leiro, when he stopped the Duke as he was attempting to escape. The ninth follower, who was drawn in, was John Michael, a page, and the grand confident of the Duke d'Aveiro. His mafter declared he was with him under the arch, from whence he the Duke fired upon the poftilion, and miff ed his fire. The Duke and the Marchioness having made up the paltry fum of 192 milreis, which was the reward given to the affaffins; Lewis-Bernard of Tavora, having, two days before the affault, fent to the Duke of Aveiro's ftables two horfes ready bridled, faddled, and armed, for his own fervice in the bufinefs; Francis-Affizes of Tavora, having alfo fent to the fame ftables the other three horfes, which were led thither the night of the affault, by Corporal Blaife-Jofeph Romeiro, and by the poftilion AntonyJofeph; the Duke d'Aveiro having, the fame night, ordered two other horfes for his own riding, with two nags, to be alfo got ready, and pofted in the grounds behind the barrack of his fecretary Antony-Jofeph de Mattos; and with these nine horses, and the two of the affaffins, having completed the number of eleven horfes, for as many affo ciates, who were mounted thereon; they all pofted themselves in different parties, in the little tract of ground that lies between the northern extremity of the houses belonging to the garden called de Meyo, and the oppofite fouthern extremity of the garden called de Cima, through which the King usually returned, when he had been abroad in a private manner, as was the cafe the night of the affault; that if his Majelly escaped from the firft waylayings, he might not fail of being cut off by fome of the others. The King having turned the corner of the said northern extremity of the above-mentioned houses belonging to the garden de Meyo, the Duke d'Aveiro came forth immediately from the arch in that place, and (accompanied by John Michael, and the other affaffin) let off against the coachman who drove his Majefty, a blunderbufs or demi-culverin; which, miffing fire, and warning the coachman by the report it gave, and the flash from the pan, he, the coachman, without acquainting his Majefty with what he had feen and heard, pushed on the mules, that he might avoid a fecond discharge, as he faw the first was aimed at him. This was the first special interpofition of Omnipotence in the King's favour that night. His Majesty could not poffibly have efcaped, if, the coachman being killed, his Majefty had remained in the hands of thofe who ftood armed in fo many ambushes against his life. The speed which the coachman made to get out of the way, hindered the two affaffins Antony-Alvares and Jofeph. Policarp, who were pofted in the ambush immediately following, close to the cavity of the new wall lately raised there, from difcharging their pieces with all the facility they wanted at the King's carriage, fo as to take a steady aim. Wherefore galloping after it, they fired as they could upon the back of it. One fhot only grazed upon the outward part of his Majefty's right fhoulder and arm, and the other grazed along between the faid arm and the right fide of the body, of fending Jan.1759. The process against the Portuguese conspirators. fending only the outward parts, without affecting any principal one. Slugs were cruelly preferred to bullets, the more certainly to fecure their purpose. This was the fecond miraculous work of Omnipotence; that two charges of flugs, fired out of fuch pieces, fhould make their way through the narrow face of a carriage, without abfolutely destroying the perfons in it. His Majefty did not utter a fingle word which indicated a complaint, but wifely reflecting that every step he fhould advance would remove him farther from the chief furgeon of the kingdom, who refides at Junqueira, and that the great quantity of blood he was lofing would not allow time for him to proceed to his palace at Our Lady of Ajuda, and send from thence to Junqueira, and for the furgeon to come from Junqueira to the palace; his Majesty ordered the carriage to return back immediately to the houfe of the faid furgeon. His Majefty's filence, and resolution to return, was the third miraculous difpenfation of Omnipotence; for by that means he avoided the other dangers, which he could not have escaped had he taken his ufual road in returning to his palace; fince, by going that way, he must inevitably have pafied through the feveral ambushes pofted to waylay him in cafe he should efcape the two foremost. The criminals affociated for this vilIny were fo void of remorse, that, in the first place, they affembled the fame night. in the road which runs along the northern extremity of the Duke d'Aveiro's garden, and gloried in it; the Duke beating on the ftones the demi-culverin or blunderbufs, which had miffed fire when he took aim at the coachman, and faying, in a paffion," Damnation feize thee! when I want thee, thou art of no ufe to me." The Marquis of Tavora expreffing fome doubt, whether his Majefty was killed; "No matter, (faid the Duke); if he is not dead, he fhall die." Another replied, "The point is, that he do but go out," &c. Jofeph-Maria of Tavora inquired with great compofure after John Michael, who was not yet arrived. In the next place, real 25 fembling at the Duke's the day following, fome reproached the affaffins for not aiming their fires fo as to complete their intent: others boasted, that they fhould have effectually done it, had the King paffed by the ambushes where they were pofted; and others foothed their cruelty with the reflection, that his Majefty would not have escaped had he not turned back by the defcent of Ajuda to Junqueira. Even if all the aforefaid proofs were wanting, the prefumptions of the law, which condemns the ringleaders, or heads of this confpiracy, to be punished thereby, would fuffice: for whereas all prefumptions of the law are held as unquestionable truths, and uncontrovertible proofs, which make it incumbent on the perfon who has them against him to produce contrary proofs to deftroy them; not one only, but many are the prefumptions in law, which the ringleaders of this confpiracy, and principally the Duke of Aveiro, and the perverted members of the fociety of Jefus, have against them. And whereas the law prefumes, that he who has once offended will be at any time guilty of fuch crimes as he has already committed; not one, but many have been the iniquities, which thefe two ringleaders have meditated against his Majesty's perfon and government, ever fince his acceffion to the throne. With regard to the Jefuits, finding themselves deprived of the hopes of preferving that defpotifm in the manage ment of public affairs which they had affumed; and that, without it, they could not cover their ufurpations in the Portugal dominions in Africa, Asia, and America; and much lefs palliate the open war they had rebelliously kindled in the north and south of the states of Brazil; they devised the most calumnious and deteftable fuggeftions and intrigues againft his Majesty's fame, and the tranquillity of the realm, thereby to alienate both natives and foreigners; having repeatedly attempted various projects of an execrable nature, in order to excite feditions in the very heart of the court and kingdom, and to draw upon it the fcourge In fuller confirmation of what has been faid, the law prefuming, that a great crime is not committed without a powerful motive; and therefore prefuming alfo that the fame perfon, who had an intereft in committing fuch crime, was the perfon who did commit it, till it be made evident that another was the author thereof; and the Jefuits having all the powerful motives that have been mentioned to cause an end to be put to the King's life, and to his government; this fingle prefumption of the law would alfo be fufficient to its being held for an uncontrovertible proof, according to law, that the faid Jefuits were the perfons guilty of this execrable crime; efpecially if it were confidered, that only an ambition such as theirs, of making a conqueft of the dominions of this realm, could bear any proportion with the af, fault of the 3d of September. end fcourge of war. From all which it fol- and their adherents, till the very lows, that the faid Jefuits having com- of Auguft laft, that his Majefty's life mitted all the aforefaid iniquities againft would be fhort; fending fuch notice, the King and kingdom, they are there- by feveral pofts, to different countries by conftituted in the proper terms of the of Europe; and even going fo far, as to aforefaid rule and prefumption of the fay, that he would not fee the end of law; and from thence would refult, if September; and Gabriel Malagrida all other proofs failed, a full conviction, wrote to different perfons of the court that they were the perfons who deviled thofe prognoftics, in the tone of a prothe affault in queftion; till they fhould phecy. On the other hand, in contraprove in a conclufive manner, that o- diction to all this, when the confpirators thers, and not they, were the perfons were feized, in the morning of the 13th guilty. of December laft, immediately by the next poft, their provincial, John Henriques, and others, whofe letters used to be full of arrogance, haughtinefs, and denunciations of vengeance and death, wrote to Rome in fubmiflive and humble terms, to give notice of the perfons taken up for the affault of the 3d of September; and that guards were fet upon the houses of their own order; that the fathers at Rome should recommend them to God, as their neceffities greatly required; that they could make no oppolition to what they apprehended ; that all the community were in great affliction, having recourfe to the exercifes of F. Malagrida; that the public included them in the guilt of the assault of the 3d of September, and sentenced them to imprisonments, exile, and a total expulfion from the court and kingdom; that they were in the greatest of ftraits, in the utmost calamity, full of dreads and frights, without any confolation, and without any hopes thereof, &c. From the two contradictory extremes in their letters, as well in the fubftance as in the manner, before and after the aforefaid affault, it is plain to a demonftration, that, before the af fault, they confided in the fuccefs of the confpiracy; and that, after the imprifonments of the 13th of December, find. ing themselves difcovered, and those who had confpired with them, ruined, and on the point of being punished; their pride and arrogance funk into abject faint-heartednefs, which is infeparably annexed to a consciousness of guilt, and inability to cover it. In ftill further confirmation of the proofs found in the proceedings in this cause against the faid Jefuits, and of thole which refult from the presumptions of the law above weighed; all the faid proofs are corroborated with an invin cible ftrength, when it is confidered, that at the juncture, in which the King was difconcerting thofe wicked devices of the Jefuits, by depofing the royal pe nitentiaries of that fraternity, and by forbidding all the members thereof ac eefs to the palace, inftead of being humbled, they advanced in arrogance and pride; publicly boafting, that the more the court threw them off, fo much the more the nobility clung to them; threat ening the court with judgments from God; and fuggefting, by themfelves, 2 With regard to the other ringleader, or head of the confpiracy, the Duke of |