"Being now arrived at what are called years of discretion, and looking back on my past life with shame and confusion, when I recollect the many advantages I have had, and the bad use I have made of them, the hours I have squandered, and the opportunities of improvement I have neglected;-when I imagine what, with those advantages, I ought to be, and find myself what I am; I am resolved to endeavour to be more careful for the future, if the future be granted me; to try to make amends for past negligence, by employing every moment I can command to some good purpose; to endeavour to acquire all the little knowledge that human nature is capable of on earth, but to let the word of God be my chief study, and all others subservient to it; to model myself, as far as I am able, according to the gospel of Christ; to be content while my trial lasts, and when it is finished to rejoice, trusting in the merits of my Redeemer. I have written these resolutions to stand as a witness against me, in case I should be inclined to forget them, and to return to my former indolence and thoughtlessness, because I have found the inutility of mental determinations. May GoD grant me strength to keep them!" p. 57. Miss Smith, it appears, was, in the earlier part of her life, an admirer of Ossian; but this partiality subsided after she became acquainted with the learned languages. An imitation of Ossian appears at p. 77, et seq. which cannot fail of being acceptable to all

who are delighted with that species of composition, which we confess we are

not.

Some beautiful poetry is occasion. ally interspersed with her reflections, and the poem in blank verse at p. 97,

on

tones

some remarkably sweet issuing from the wood on the fire, during a severe frost, exhibit a very pleasing proof with what facility and elegance the writer could diversify her style and metre. Translations also from the German are occasionally introduced; but what must ever entitle Miss Smith to the highest degree of praise, and occasion her "laudari a laudatis," are her versions from the Hebrew, which are considered by those who are competent to decide on their merits, as being remarkable for their accuracy. Perhaps the remarks on Locke, at p. 141, et seq. may be pointed out as the most striking and most satisfactory example of precision of thought, and acuteness of reasoning, in the whole volume. Enough, however, has been said, and sufficient proofs, we conceive, introduced to justify the assertion, that this lady was no common character. And, when, in addition to all that has been said above, it is remembered, that a spirit of genuine Christian piety, faith, hope, and charity, untinctured by fanaticism and undebased by affectation, characterized her short but active life, who will not unite with us in the regret, that such a light should be shown for so short a time to the world? But God seeth not as man seeth, and his will be done.

WHEN two opposite parties divide the world with fierce contention, the man who, from whatever circumstances, is placed at the head of one of them, can hardly be rightly appreciated by his contemporaries. While he pursues his triumphant career, he is a deity to his followers, who worship in him that fortune which is their idol, and shouts of victory drown the accusing voice of his injured, but conquered foe. On the other hand, malignity too often preys on exalted characters, and cankers that laurel which it could not blast. Posterity alone, by comparing the several testimonies, when hope and fear, gratitude and resentment, have lost their sway, is enabled to form an impartial judgment. In that trial of fame, the character of the writers, on both sides has necessarily a great weight-but, this is an anonymous publication!

These reflections are rather meant as general, than as applying to the man whose deeds are the theme of this work. Indeed, his offences are too rank," his crimes are too notorious, to admit of a doubt or of a palliation. Besides, the same scenes of treachery, plunder, and devastation, which were acted in Italy, are now acting in Spain. There, too, generals and officers have been seduced, others have been tampered with; most enormous atrocities have followed deceit ful promises of friendship and protection. We easily believe, that Buona parte made use of the influence of the archbishop of Milan to pacify the incensed inhabitants of Pavia, under promises of forgiveness, and that he afterwards disarmed them and gave the town to plunder (as our author affirms, pp. 117, &c.) for the same has been done in Madrid; the same promises have been held out to the inhabitants of Vittoria. Our opinion,

In that performance, Buonaparte, of course, derives his triumphs solely from his own genius and bravery; but in the publication before us he is represented in a different character, indeed! With an immense superiority of forces he purchases petty advantages by an immense sacrifice of lives; all his conquests are prepared by treason, and his frequent blunders in the field are repaired by treachery. In the most critical moments, he pretends to capitulate, and snatches victory from the hands of his too credulous antagonist. Something like this, we have heard often, from good authority; but does the author think that his unavowed publication will convince the dazzled multitude, the mass who have not had the same means of information? To tear the laurels, however unde. served, from the guilty head of a successful villain, indirect means are unavailing and unbecoming. Truth scorns to be defended but by manliness. Besides, we cannot reconcile it to our feelings as Englishmen, that officers of rank, however culpable in appearance, should be accused of having sold themselves to the enemy of their country for money, without being afforded an opportunity of meet

ing the foul charge; or even the knowledge of their accuser.

We have stated the dangerous tendency of admitting anonymous publications to the privileges of authenticated documents or historical facts, principally from our regret on seeing accounts of important transactions, destitute of the signature of a writer, who professes to have been an eye witness, and whose work is not without internal proofs of veracity. We shall now proceed to make a few extracts, mostly from this officer's relation of events on which we have had some previous information. All the world has heard of Buonaparte's prodigious feat in planting the standard of liberty on the famous bridge of Arcole, in spite of a tremendous fire of artillery and musketry. Let us hear our historian, who speaks decidedly on that affair.

"Augereau, seeing that those fierce republicans were completely dismayed by the enemy's fire, took the standard of liberty, and carried it to the extremity of the bridge; but without producing the desired effect. This fact is certified, by the historian of the campaigns of Italy, and by a letter from general Berthier. They both add, that this very courageous action, proving useless, Buonaparte himself had recourse to the same stratagem, which, in his hands, was completely suc. cessful....

"What would he say, however, were we to deny this act of bravery of which he boasts? We were present at that battle; we saw very distinctly a French officer, with a flag in his hand, advancing alone on the bridge. We saw general Alvinzi, convinced that it was a flag of truce, give orders to suspend firing; but we have no recollection whatever, of having seen a second officer tread in the footsteps of the first. Yet such a fact would have been too publick, not to be remarked. Neither

is it credible; because the Austrian artil

lery, which had respected the first, who was supposed to be the bearer of a flag of truce, would not, in all probability, have respected the second, whose temerity would have cost him his life." pp. 183, 184.

The author then maintains, that this bridge was not carried on that day [Nov. 15] but that the position was

maintained against Buonaparte, on the 16th, and on the 17th; that on the evening of this day, general Alvinzi ordered a retrograde motion, at which murmurs ran so high in the army, that on the 19th, he resumed his former position at Arcole; but quitted it again on the 20th for Vincenza, instead of pushing forwards to Verona, which he could then have taken easily.

But," continues the author, "what was the surprise of the whole army, and the rage of many, when, being arrived on the middle of the road, we met general Alvinzi, on horseback, who ordered us to fall back on Vincenza! I then saw an Austrian colonel, frantick with rage, break his sword in three pieces, and declare that he would no longer serve in an army, which its commander in chief was covering with shame. Similar sentiments were openly manifested by several others." p. 188.

At the end of the chapter on the battle of Arcole, the author relates the known anecdote of Buonaparte's fall into a marsh with his horse, in a flight, after an unsuccessful attack on Arcole. He adds that a negro alone ventured to come to his assistance, and was, in consequence, made captain of cavalry, and presented as such to the army. This we have heard repeatedly in France, in the years 1798 and 1799, from officers of the army of Italy, and from Augereau We have heard the same himself. Augereau, in a large dinner party, at Thoulouse, before several of his brother officers, claim the sole merit of having planted the standard of liberty, both on the bridge of Arcole, and on that of Lodi; with many bitter sarcasms on Buonaparte's vain boasting. Indeed, we never heard it denied by any officer of the army of Italy; and we have conversed with several.

But, that army knew too much of its general; after the eva❤ cuation of Egypt, these troops were not allowed to enter France; but avere sent to Italy, and from thence to Saint Domingo; those who have contrived to revisit France have been intimidated. or seduced, or—have disappeared.

Speaking of the battle of Rivoli [pp. 190, et seq.] which completed the conquest of Italy, the author affirms that Buonaparte was entirely surrounded (which, by the by, Berthier fairly owns in his report) that the whole Austrian army were exclaiming, we have them! when Buonaparte sent a flag of truce, to solicit an armistice of one hour, to settle the terms of a capitulation. It was granted; and, a quarter of an hour before its expiration, Buonaparte attacked the Austrians, unawares, and not only saved his army, but obtained a complete victory. This we must believe; for general Wedel attempted to play the same infamous trick, on the Spanish generel, Castanos, at Baylen.

On the taking of Mantua, the last transaction we shall examine, the author observes, that that city, which Buonaparte had boasted to take in eight days, resisted his utmost efforts near eight months; that he lost be fore it an immense number of men; and once, all his artillery; yet this same town, with a French garrison, was taken by the Austrians in the next campaign in less than a month. This is undeniable; and we add, that Buonaparte felt so keenly the shame implied in the comparison, that he exerted all his power (he was then first consul) to fix the whole dishonour on Latour Foissac, the French commander of Mantua. He forbade him to wear French regimentals; the whole army murmured; the order was not obeyed; and Latour demanded a court martial, which was refused. His son, a youth of fifteen, publickly vented the most bitter execrations, in the military coffee house of Turin, before a numerous assembly of officers, against "the Corsican Upstart," who, to palliate his own shame, endeavoured to. disgrace the

most ancient French families. This language passed uncontradicted, and unpunished, at least for the time. In fact, Latour Foissac had done his duty. We have heard a friend, an officer who commanded the gate Pradella, on the last day of the siege, state publickly that, in twenty-four hours, he lost seventy-one men out of one hundred; that the garrison was reduced to 3000 men; and, that the breach at Pradella was large enough for a whole battalion to form in it. That officer suddenly disappeared from Bourdeaux.

From what we have said, our readers will see, that we had some grounds for stating, that this work contained internal proofs of veracity, and from that circumstance we regret the more its not having the sanction of a respectable name. The author, indeed, tells us, in his introduction, that "to speak ill of Buonaparte is a crime which cannot be atoned for, but by the death of the guilty ;" and this consideration has delayed his publication several years. A man is cer tainly not bound to publish truths, which he foresees will be fatal to himself; though we should not have expected this objection from a military man. Yet a moral obligation is certainly incumbent on him to authenticate by all possible means what he publishes; especially on a question to be decided by testimony. The French poet says, with much truth: Quand j'attaque quelqu'un, je le dois, et me nommer.

From a note of the translator, this work does not appear to have been originally written in French. The style bears witness to this: yet, since it is intended to expose the errours of a French publication, its appear. ance in that language was indispen sable.