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number of negroes lost on the various estates, in the different islands, rendered it necessary that the legislature should take it into consideration.
• There is no doubt but that the catching the shadows of their victims, or holding them spell-bound, was only a false pretence invented by the Obi men for murdering them by sinister means. Mr. Barclay, who was present at the trial of a notorious Obeah man on a plantation in Jamaica, tells us that "
one of the witnesses, a negro belonging to the same estate, was asked, “Do you know the prisoner to be an Obeah man?'— Yes, Massa; shadow catcher true.' What do you mean by a shadow catcher?'
him ha coffin' (a little coffin produced),'him set for catch dem shadow.' "What shadow do you mean? — When him set Obeah for summary' (somebody) ‘him catch dem shadow and dem go dead;' and too surely they were soon dead when he pretended to have caught their shadows, by whatever means it was effected.”
• When this practice was found to be attended with such dreadful con. sequences, the governments of the several islands, after disencouraging it by, every, means in their power, made it punishable by death. This salutary law has effectually limited the occurrence of Obeah : the yearly decrease of Africans in the colonies lessens the prevalence of superstition; and the light of religion, which is every where dispelling the gloom of ignorance, among many other evils will remedy this.'--pp. 585—587.
Mr. Bayley has given a few words of advice to out-goers, with which we shall conclude these extracts.
Most persons who go to the West Indies are at a loss to know what are the best means for preparing their constitutions for a change of climate ; what are the most necessary things to take out, and how they should comport themselves on their arrival, in order to maintain their health. On these subjects, to future outgoers, I will give a word or two of advice.
First, --be sure to lay in a sufficient stock of light summer clothing, unless, indeed, you prefer paying cent. per cent. in the Antilles.
Secondly,-carry with you a reasonable proportion of English pickles and preserves; you will otherwise find the want of them, as they are very rare in the tropics.
Thirdly,--do not take a servant with you on any account; by so doing you will incur great expense and trouble, and what is more, you will never be able to keep your domestic; for if she be a woman she will get married and leave
you; and if he be a man, he will either desert you to speculate for himself, or to obtain some situation in the country, or he will become discontented with the life which he must of necessity lead. Add to this, on board ship, instead of being able to attend on you, there are a thousand chances to one but that your servants are themselves sea sick and require attention.
Fourthly,-obtain letters of introduction to one or two of the principal inhabitants of the island you are going to, and you will find a ready pass. port to the best society.
• Fifthly,-during your voyage, take a dose of Epsom salts once a week, but when you arrive, do not gain the habit of taking too much medicine, it will only weaken your constitution.
"Sixthly, when you have passed the line, do not expose yourself too much in the heat of the day, by walking in the sun on the deck of your
vessel. Seventhly,—when you reach the West Indies, and begin to enter into
the gaieties of the place, live moderately, and, if possible, regularly. Ride or bathe in the morning, and walk in the evening ; for exercise, when not carried to excess, is good. Do not venture out in the heat of the day more than you can help. Drink a fair proportion of sangaree, and do not be afraid of it, or make it too weak. Buy a box of sedlitz powders, and take one in a glass of water every day before breakfast. Rise at gun-fire, and, when you can, go to bed at the same sober time.
Eighthly,— Wear flannel ; you will find it devilish hot, but very good for the health.
Ninthly,---never check the perspiration by going into a draught when you are hot; do not drink cold water, and avoid catching cold, which is a serious thing in the tropics.
• Tenthly and lastly, -Bear the bites of the musquitos and sand-flies like a philosopher.'--pp. 587, 588.
Although this volume cannot boast much of originality, yet it contains a very complete view of the present state and past history of the West Indies.
ART. V.-1. Papers relative to the Affairs of Greece.
A. Protocols of Conferences held in London.
11.-Blockade of the Dardanelles.
III.-Raising of Greek Blockades.
relating to the Sovereignty of Greece.
of his Majesty, May, 1830.
an independent state. By Lieut.-Gen. Sir Richard Church, late Generalissimo of Greece, With a Preface, by the Right Hon. R. Wilmot Horton, M.P. 8vo. pp. 22.
London : Ridgway. 1830. The century in which we live has witnessed many surprising novelties, not only without precedent in history, but without a parallel in the wildest of those fictions which range under the name of romance. Of these, the rise and fall of Napoleon have been, and will probably continue to be, the most astonishing wonders of all. But not niuch inferior in interest, and scarcely second in singularity to the fortunes of that soldier, is the story of the resuscitation of Greece, from the thraldom of nearly four hundred years, and of the combined exertions which have been made by the three most powerful states in Europe to reward her insurrection and her bravery, by giving her a new, and not an undistinguished, place among the nations.
Since the last general peace, the system of the great powers of the continent has been not to interfere in the domestic concerns of their neighbours, except for the purpose of repressing rebellion, extinguishing ideas of liberty, and fortifying what is called the
legitimacy of established thrones. Thus Austria quelled the rising spirit of constitutionalism in Naples and Sardinia; and France, morally assisted by Austria and Russia, overthrew the cortes government of Spain. But for the last ten years we have seen the subjects of the Porte, in the Morea and the northern provinces of ancient Greece, as well as in the islands, arrayed in arms against their “ legitimate” sovereign, sustaining a sanguinary struggle for the recovery of their freedom, and not only cheered from the commencement of their resistance by the liberal voice of Europe, but secretly, and latterly in the most open and undisguised manner, assisted by Russia and France, in direct opposition to the principles which they had sanctioned, or carried into execution, in other parts of the continent. England, who has since the peace uniformly avoided interfering in the domestic interests of foreign nations, excepting Portugal, which she was bound by solemn treaties to protect from invasion, has even been seduced to advance beyond the usual line of her phlegmatic policy, and to take a conspicuous, if not a leading part in the settlement of Greece.
There is something new, and to the friends of freedom much that is cheering, in all this. Hitherto, when the chances of war, or the consequences of civil commotion, gave to powerful monarchs an influence in the regulation of territories that owned no master, the rule was to make a partition of the spoil between them. But in the case of Greece we see a perfect absence of self interest on the part of the powers who have interposed in her behalf. Not only do they repel the idea of appropriating to themselves a single foot of land, or a path on the sea, but when a Prince was to be chosen for the new state, their first resolution was that he should not be taken from any of their three reigning families. The history of their proceedings on this occasion possesses, therefore, all the charms of novelty, and all the benefits of a magnanimous example. In its details some mistakes may have occurrred; but in its principle it is full of the most unfading glory for the sovereigns under whose auspices, and for the statesmen through whose instrumentality, the negociations, of which it is composed, were carried on.
In the papers before us, referring particularly to the reports of Count Bulgary, the Russian resident in Greece, and of Admiral de Rigny, one of the best informed men in the French service, we have a clear and authentic account of the state in which Greece was, about the period when Mr. Canning resolved to interest himself in her fortunes. It is of importance to contemplate her then condition for a moment, as we shall have reason to conclude that it has not since materially altered, and that its evil ingredients have exercised but too fatal an influence upon the events which have, we trust only for a short season however, postponed the consummation of her independence. It is remarkable that we have no despatches from Mr. Dawkins, our own resident, on this important subject. Indeed the contributions of that gentleman to the stock
of information which these papers contain, are confined to one or two dry short official communications, which tell us of nothing more than the mere execution of a routine duty: From Count Bulgary we learn, that about the period in question, Greece exhibited a spectacle of devastation and misery. The Provisional Government,
notwithstanding, the acknowledged wisdom of its chief,' was attended with embarrassment, and calculated only to aggravate the evils of her situation, and perhaps even to render them irremediable.' Her finances were in ruin, her internal administration wholly disorganized, and no prospect seemed likely to offer itself of any amelioration in one case or the other. Her influential classes, oppressed as they had been during three ages of slavery, when the virtues and the knowledge which are necessary to uphold a political society were fatal to those who possessed them, became, upon her revolution, the greatest impediments to her prosperity. Those classes are headed by the Primates of Greece, who have long been the mere minions of the Turkish satraps, and the most ready instruments of their tyranny. "They form,' says the Count, a caste of men, whom no advice, or benevolent effort, will be able to recal into the paths of order, and to whom every regular government becomes a motive for exciting trouble and anarchy.'
They see, 'adds the same intelligent observer, 'a principle of oppression in the wisdom of a government, which becomes to them the more odious as it forbids rapine, punishes the guilty, and protects the oppressed.' It was to be expected that such men as these would grasp at every opportunity of continuing their lawless power; hence they very readily joined with the numberless constitution manufacturers who, from time to time, flocked from France, Germany, England, and other parts of Europe, to Greece, in order to turn to their own profit the chances of the revolution.
It is very remarkable, and highly honourable to the mass of the Greek people, that, notwithstanding the efforts of the Primates and their foreign associates to produce fresh agitations, upon the arrival of Count Capo d'Istria amongst them, they, on the contrary, cheerfully and eagerly resumed, at his voice, the peaceable habits of industry. Both in insular and continental Greece, tranquillity has, since then, continued to prevail. This is clearly seen in the security of the roads, and in the absence of those disorders and crimes which are so common to a people just liberated from oppression, and from the turmoil of a long and sanguinary contest.
As soon as the Treaty of the 6th of July, 1827, signed in London-a Treaty, the terms of which need not be repeated-became known in Greece, we have the evidence of M. de Rigny, that it found at once numbers of opponents. It is, perhaps, to be lamented, that the boundaries of the future state were not in the first instance fixed upon, and indicated in that instrument. This question has been, throughout, the great source of irritation, and, finally, the stumbling block of the negotiations. And when we say that
the boundaries ought to have been decided upon, before the Treaty was signed, we must add our humble opinion, that they ought to have included all those territories in which the Greeks form a majority of the population, and in which they successfully contended for a reasonable period of time against the authority of the Porte. There is no good reason (assuming the policy of interference at all) why the independence of those who fought in theMorea, should be established exclusively of those who had earned equal titles to the same reward in the fields of Thessaly and Epirus. At least some provision ought to have been made for giving the Greek patriots of the north a suitable habitation in the new state; and if the native provinces were not to be included within its confines, that at least they should be offered an exchange of territory.
No prospect of any arrangement of this kind was offered in the Treaty, and hence, M. de Rigny informs us, that the Roumeliots, both in and out of the Assemblies, resolved to withhold their assent from it. They think that, because their prospect of being included within the boundaries is uncertain, they have little risk to run by opposition. But we must give the able report of the Admiral more in detail. He observes,
'I think that the mass of the population, if they could be consulted by some other intervention than that of the Greek Chiefs themselves, would gladly accept any arrangement whatever. Ask the unhappy inhabitants of the Morean-harrassed, despoiled, and plundered alternately by the Turks, and by the Palicari! Ask the islands of the Archipelago,-in every one of which a band of land and sea pirates gives the law ! Examine what is passing at Syra, at Tinos, at Naxos, at Paros, at Milo, where bands of Candiots, of Caxiots, of Sphactiots, come and establish themselves as rulers, and leave nothing to the inhabitants, sometimes not even the liberty of complaining. But, at the same time that the greater part of the population of the continent and of the islands suffer from this state of things, it must be remarked that these calamities are inflicted on the Morea by the Primates and Chiefs :~-on the islands, by the supremacy which the Hydriots have arrogated to themselves, in sending their own people to form the local Authorities; by all those, in short, who, sometimes with an order from Government, and sometimes without one, come and levy contributions, of which no part comes to the Government. And what is this same Government? Nobody obeys it. The Generals in chief whom
? it has appointed, almost hold it in derision. The Commissariat, when it has a few thousand piastres to distribute, would be the real Government. But no sooner is the money gone, than those who have not participated in the distribution, exclaim that the Government is guilty of favouritism,that it excites intrigues. Cochrane puts in his claim ;—Church his ;Fabvier has equal pretensions, since his portion is set down in the special allotment of the Committees. The Roumeliots, of whom one party under Botzaris, directed by Mavrocordato, consents to obey Church, constitute also a separate band, over which Coletti has some influence. We find there, as in other places, the traces of the pretended French and English parties, because Mavrocordato and Coletti, who are sworn enemies, mutually act as spies over the camps into which each has thrown himself.