THE Gentleman's Magazine; For MARCH 1764. Some Account of a Pamphlet, just pubLifbed, entitled, The Adminiftration of the Colonies. T Α HE Author obferves, that in the first rude ages of Europe, when men fought only to poffefs and to fecure poffeffion, military prowess was predominant fpirit of the world; that this fpirit formed the Roman Empire, and afterwards divided the nations into the several governments that B were formed out of its ruins. F the That afterwards, when leifure gave men time for fpeculation, and Religion was the only learning in the world, Religion naturally became the ruling fpirit in the policy of Europe; that this fpirit formed and gave away kingdoms; fet up and pulled down fovereigns: This either allied the nations or divided them, and formed the ballance of power among them. held in motion by its own laws: This will become the bafis of a commercial dominion, and it is of the utmolt importance to connect our operations as a nation with it, fo as to partake of its influence, and build upon its power. It is not men that form great events, but the crisis of events, duly poffelled and actuated, that forms great men. We are not able to form this great commercial power, but we are able to take the lead of it, already formed, and rifing falt into dominion. This lead, at the beginning of the war, feemed to vibrate between us and the French, it is now in our bands, and, if we keep it, whenever it be comes the foundation of dominion, that dominion will be ours: Our kingdom will be no more considered as the mere kingdom of this island, with its appendages of provinces, coClonies, and fettlements, but as a great marine dominion, consisting of our poffeffions in the Atlantic and in Ame rica, united into one intereft, of which Great Britain will be the commercial center. That fince the difcovery of America, the establishment of a commercial intercourfe with Asia, and the fettlement of Europeans on all fides of the Atlantic D Ocean and in America, men have felt the power they derive from this new fource, and the spirit of Commerce is now becoming the predominant principle that will form the general policy, and rule the powers of Europe. He fuppofes, that the life and eltabAishment of this commercial dominion E conftitutes the present crisis. This is the ground-work of his performance; of the fuperstructure, the reader will be able to form a general idea from what follows. While each country fuppofes that its own government actuates & rules the trade of its refpective fubjects, there is a general intereft that is not concerned in nor governed by the feparate interefts of particular states; that flows in its own channel, and is It is a general maxim, that the trade of colonies fhould be confined to the mother country; but a total infrac tion of this principle is at pretent abfolutely neceffary, not only to the trade of our colonies, but their exiftence. They are not naturally nor artificially united with the intereft, and fubmitted to the dominion of the mo. ther-country; that they may be at war, when the mother-country might otherwife be at peace, the Spanish war is a proof; that they may be in 'ull poffeffion of the commerce of peace, when the mother countries may be at war, every war is a proof: They now Have an intereft, therefore, which requires a trade independent of the mother country; & this independant in'tereft of the several colonies of different nations forms a general commerci interest, 104 powers for this department in- parti The profperity of a trading nation, as well as of a trading fhop keeper, de pends upon having a great number of A good customers. The customers we gain under a foreign trade, we are liable to lofe; thole whom we can, as it were, create under our own influence, we cannot lofe; and such are the customers procured by the colo The great queftion will be, what ftate will poffels fuch branch of buti- B nefs, and, in confequence of that, take the lead under this commercial dominion, and unite its goverament with it. To enable Great Britain to do this, it is neceffary that the administration at home fhould form fuch an establishment for the direction of fuch inte. C retta and powers, as may lead them in their natural channel, under due connections with the government. This establiment mult be fovereign and fupreme, as to every thing properly in its own department; it mutt be a fecretary of ftate's office in itfelf. It should have cognizance and direction of the general trade of the kingdom, as far as government can interfere; it should be the depofitory and reporter of the itate and condition of it; of every thing that can advance or obstruct it; & of the ftate of manufactories, of the fisheries, of the employment of the poor. It should derive every poflible advantage from every event that arifes in commercial politics apply every poffible remedy to every evil; prepare proper laws for the confideration of parliament; take cognizance and direction of the plantations with respect to government, in every matter judicial or commercial; direct the fettlement of colonies; report to the King in council on all these points, and its official fat or negative fhould be his majeity's information in council. As to the le giflature of the glonies, it fhould hear and determine all matters of complaint, and of mal-adminiftration of the crown-officers and others in the plantations, and examine witneffes on oath. it fhould correspond with all the fervants of the crown on thefe points, and iffue the King's orders & instructions to his f rvants. The executive officer of this de. partment may be either the fecretary of ftate, or the first lord and other commiffioners of trade, or a minister may be created with all ne ellary pies. It is the duty and interest, therefore, of the mother country to cultvate, protect, and govern its colonies with refpect particularly to two effential points: Firft, That all the profits of their produce and manufactures center in the mother-country, 2dy, That they continue the fole cuftomers of the mother- ountry. Care fhould alfo be taken to keep them unconnected and independent of each other; becane, by a union, they might poffibly thake off their dependance upon the mother-country, and fet up for themselves. It happens fortunately for us, that they are fettled in diffeD rent manners, live under different modes of government, the' effentially the fame; and are actuated by diffe rent principles, both with respect to religion and policy. We have therefore little to do but to fecure them in the free and full poffeffion of their rights and privileges, in order to preferve the difunion which these differences produce. Under the guidance therefore of thefe principles, that the final external profits of the labour and produce of the colonies fhould center in the mother country; that the coloniffs should be the appropriated customers of the mother-country; that the colonies, in their government and trade, fhould be united in communion with & fubordination to the government of the mother country, but always unconnected with and independant on each other; and with a fpirit and temper fuitable to the remembrance that their inhabitants are our own people, our brethren, faithful, good, and beneficial fubjects, and either free born Englijkmen, or, by adoption, possesling all the rights of freedom: Let a revision he made of the general and feveral Hovernments of the colonies; of their laws and courts of juice; of their trade, and the general British laws of trade, in the feveral relations in which they stand to the mother-country, fqreign countries, and each other. G Upo Upon fuch a review, it will appear, that the two great points which the colonists have in view, are, the establishment of their rights and privileges as Englishmen, and the keeping in their own hands the revenue, and the pay of the officers of government, as a fecurity for their conduct. A Under the first of thefe come all the difputes about the King's instructions and the governor's power, the settling and determining which, is of the most effential import to the liberties of the B colonists on one hand, and to their fubordination to the mother country on the other. In the examination of this point, it will come under confideration, firit, Whether the whole legiflature can, in any cafe, be fufpended; and, 2dly, whether by the crown alone, or in conjunction with the parliament. It will alfo come under examination, whether the votes or orders of the legislatures of the colonies, not reduced to an act, thail have their effect without being fent home for confirmation, as their acts are by their conftitution obliged to be. If it fhould appear that any of the colonies, by this device, carry the power of their Jegiflature into execution, independ ent of the crown, even to the fufpending eßablishments for pay, and precluding the effects of acts which the crown has confirmed; it must be finally determined, whether this thould or fhould not be allowed; for a point of fuch importance fhould never remain questionable. C E Under the fecond general head, it will be determined, whether, as it is neceffary and conftitutional, that the executive and judicial officers of go. vernment fhould be independent of the legislature, the King fhould not have both the appointment and payment of thefe officers, the legiflatuie furnishing the money; or whether they should be paid by the affemblies, It is allowed, that, in England, where the executive power of the crown is administered by his majefty, no inconvenience arifes from his paying thefe officers; but in the colonies, where a governor, often needy and rapacious, is the fubftitute of his majeay, it frequently happens, that when he gets the public money into his hands, the officers have been left un- H paid. Many doubtful points ought to be fettled relative to the rules and maxims of their law, especially as they G have affumed a power of extending There should be no military com- A paper currency ought to be eAtablished, under proper regulations ; for in colonies, where the ballance of trade with the mother-country being against them, their filver money muft conitantly decrease, a certain quantity of paper-money is abfolutely neceffary. It is alfo neceffary, that a revifion fhould be made of the laws of trade; a proper improvement of which will produce greater advantages, both to the colonies and the mother country, than carrying the prefent laws into execution, which, however, is impoffible, especially with respect to those for confining the trade of the colonies to the mother-country? Yet the trade might, by proper regulations, be fo confired; and it is of the utmost importance that it should be fo. It is certain, that the colonies should not export but to a British market, and they thould not import but from a British market; but, in the application of this principle, the prefent law directs, that they fhall only export and import to and from Britain. Instead of this, British markets ought to be eftablished in other countries; and the colonies, under certain reftrictions, and paving duty for what they carry to market, fhould be permitted to export their produce (uch as are the bafis or materials of any British manufacture excepted) directly to foreign countries, provided they fell it to a British houfe: They fhould alfo be permitted, provided they bought their fupplies from a British house, to take in return the natural fruits and produce of that country (all manufactures interfering with those of Britain excepted) paying to fome British offi cer there, or at their arrival in the colonies, the fame duties as they would have paid, if they had purchased the fame commodities in England. This would answer every end propofed by the Act of Navigation, which is |