Abbildungen der Seite
PDF
EPUB

fpicion; and when the fafety of a nation is at flake, fufpicion is a juft ground of inquiry. Let us enter into it with candour and decency. Refpect is due to the ftation of minifters; and if a refolution muft at last be taken, there is none fo likely to be supported with firmness, as that which has been adopted with mode ration.

The ruin or profperity of a ftate depends fo much upon the administration of its government, that to be acquainted with the merit of a miniftry, we need only obferve the condition of the people. If we fee them obedient to the laws, profperous in their induftry, united at home, and respected abroad, we may reafonably prefume, that their affairs are conducted by men of experience, abilities, and virtue. If, on the contrary, we fee an univerfal fpirit of diftruft and diffatisfaction, a rapid decay of trade, diffenfions in all parts of the empire, and a total lofs of refpect in the eyes of foreign powers, we may pronounce, without hefitation, that the government of that country is weak, diftracted, and corrupt. The multitude, in all countries, are patient to a certain point. Il ufage may roufe their indignation, and hurry them into exceffes; but the original fault is in government. Perhaps there never was an inftance of a change, in the circumftances and temper of a whole nation, fo fudden and extraordinary, as that which the mifconduct of minifters has, within thefe very few years, produced in G. Britain. When our Gracious Sovereign afcended the throne, we were a flourishing and contented people. If the perfonal virtues of a king could have infured the happiness of his fubjects, the scene could not have altered fo entirely as it has done. The idea of uniting all parties, of trying all characters, and of diftributing the offices of ftate by rotation, was gracious and benevolent to an extreme, though it has not yet produced the many falutary effects which were intended by it. To fay nothing of the wifdom of luch a plan, it undoubtedly arofe from an unbounded goodness of heart, in which folly had no thare. Unfortunately for us, the event has not been anfwerable to the defign, After a rapid fucceffion of changes, we are reduced to that ftate which hardly any change can mend. Yet there is no extremity of diftrefs, which of itfelf ought to reduce a great nation to defpair. Without much political fagacity, or any

extraordinary depth of observation, w need only mark how the principal depar ments of the state are bestowed, and lo no farther for the true caufe of every mi chief that befalls us.

The finances of a nation, finking und its debts and expences, are committed a young nobleman already ruined by pla Introduced to act under the auspices Lord C-m, and left at the head affairs by that nobleman's retreat, he b came minifter by accident; but defer ing the principles and profeffions whi gave him a moment's popularity, we him, from every honourable engageme to the public, an apostate by defign. for business, the world yet knows nothi of his talents or refolution; unless wayward wavering inconfiftency be mark of genius, and caprice a demonst tion of fpirit. It may be faid, perhap that it is his Grace's province, as fare it is his paffion, rather to distribute th to fave the public money; and that wh Lord N is C -r of the E-r, t First Lord of the Ty may be thoughtless and extravagant as he pleaf I hope, however, be will not rely t much on the fertility of Lord N's g nius for finance. His Lordship is yet give us the first proof of his abilities. may be candid to suppose, that he has i therto voluntarily concealed his talent intending perhaps to astonish the work when we least expect it, with a kno ledge of trade, a choice of expedien and a depth of refources, equal to the r ceffities, and far beyond the hopes of country. He must now exert the wh power of his capacity, if he would w us to forget, that fince he has been in fice, no plan has been formed, no syst adhered to, nor any one important me fure adopted, for the relief of public c dit. If his plan for the fervice of t current year be not irrevocably fixed c let me warn him to think seriously confequences before he ventures to creafe the public debt. Outraged a oppreffed as we are, this nation will bear, after a fix years peace, to see ne millions borrowed, without an eventi diminution of debt, or reduction of i tereft. The attempt might roufe a fpi of refentment, which might reach beyo the facrifice of a minifter. As to t debt upon the civil lift, the people England expect that it will not be pa without a ftria inquiry how it was incu red. If it must be paid by parliamen

let me dvife the C-r of the Er to think of some better expedient than a lottery. To support an expensive war, or in circumstances of abfolute neceflity, a lottery may perhaps be allowable; but, befides that it is at all times the very worft way of raifing money upon the people, I think it ill becomes the R-1 dignity to have the debts of a provided for, like the repairs of a country-bridge, or a decayed hofpital. The management of the K-'s affairs in the H- of Ccannot be more disgraced than it has Seen. A leading minifter repeatedly alled down for abfolute ignorance; idiculous motions ridiculously withdrawn; - deliberate plans difconcerted, and a reek's preparation of graceful oratory aft in a moment, give us fome, though not an adequate idea of Lord N- 's arliamentary abilities and influence. Yet before he had the misfortune to be r of the Er, he was neither in object of derifion to his enemies, nor of melancholy pity to his friends.

A tries of inconfiftent measures had aSenated the colonies from their duty as subjects, and from their natural affection to their common country. When Mr Grenville was placed at the head of the Ty, he felt the impoffibility of G. Britain's fupporting fuch an establishment as her former fucceffes had made indifpenfable, and at the fame time of giving any fenfible relief to foreign trade, and to the weight of the public debt. He thought tequitable, that thofe parts of the empire which had benefited most by the fuccefs of the war fhould contribute fome thing to the expence of the peace; and he had no doubt of the constitutional right vefted in parliament to raife that contribution. But, unfortunately for this country, Mr Grenville was at any rate to be distressed because he was minister, and Mr P-t and Lord C―n were to be the patrons of America, because they were ja oppofition. Their declarations gave fpirit and argument to the colonies; and while perhaps they meant no more than the ruin of a minifter, they in effect divided one half of the empire from the o

ther.

Under one administration the stamp-act is made; under the fecond it is repealed; under the third, in fpite of all experience, a new mode of taxing the colonies is invented, and a question revived which ought to have been buried in oblivion. In thefe circumftances a new office is efta

blifhed for the business of the plantations, and the Earl of Hh called forth, at a moft critical feafon, to govern America. The choice at leaft announced to us a man of fuperior capacity and knowledge. Whether he be fo or not, let his difpatches as far as they have appeared, let his meafures as far as they have operated, determine. In the former we have feen ftrong affertions without proof, declamation without argument, and violent cenfures without dignity or moderation; but neither correctness in the compofition, nor judgement in the defign. As for his measures, let it be remembered, that be was called upon to conciliate and unite; and that, when he entered into office, the most refractory of the colonies were still difpofed to proceed by the constitutional methods of petition and remonstrance. Since that period they have been driven into exceffes little fhort of rebellion. Petitions have been hindered from reaching the throne; and the continuance of one of the principal affemblies put upon an arbitrary condition, which, confidering the temper they were in, it was impoffible they fhould comply with, and which would have availed nothing as to the general queftion, if it had been complied with. So violent, and I believe I may call it unconstitutional, an exertion of the prerogative, to say nothing of the weak injudicious terms in which it was conveyed, gives us as humble an opinion of his Lordship's capacity, as it does of his temper and moderation. While we. are at peace with other nations, our mi litary force may perhaps be spared to fupport the Earl of Hb's measures in America. Whenever that force fhall be neceffarily withdrawn or diminished, the difmithion of fuch a minister will neither confole us for his imprudence, nor remove the settled refentment of a people, who, complaining of an act of the legislature, are outraged by an unwarrantable stretch of prerogative, and, fupporting their claims by argument, are infulted with declamation.

Drawing lots would be a prudent and reasonable method of appointing the officers of state, compared to a late difposition of the fecretary's office. Lord R-h-d was acquainted with the affairs and temper of the fouthern courts; Lord Wh was equally qualified for either department. By what unaccountable caprice has it happened, that the latter, who pretends to no experience whatbe

H 2

ver,

ver, is removed to the most important of the two departments; and the former by preference placed in an office, where his experience can be of no ufe to him? Lord Wh had distinguished himself in his first employment by a spirited, if pot judicious, conduct. He had animated the civil magiftrate beyond the tone of civil authority, and had directed the ope⚫ rations of the army to more than military execution. Recovered from the errors of his youth, from the diftraction of play, and the bewitching (miles of Burgundy, behold bim exerting the whole ftrength of his clear unclouded faculties in the service of the crown. It was not the heat of midnight-exceffes, nor ignorance of the laws, nor the furious fpirit of the house of B-d: No, Sir, when this refpect. able minitter interpofed his authority be. tween the magiftrate and the people, and figned the mandate, on which, for ought be knew, the lives of thousands depend. ed, he did it from the deliberate motion of his heart, fupported by the best of his judgement.

It has lately been a fashion to pay a compliment to the bravery and generofity of the C-nd-r in Ch-f, at the expence of his understanding. They who love him leaft make no question of his courage, while his friends dwell chiefly on the facility of his difpofition. Admitting him to be as brave as a total abfence of all feeling and reflection can make him, let us lee what fort of merit he derives from the remainder of his character. If it be generosity to accumulate in his own perfon and family a number of lucrative employments; to provide, at the public expence, for every creature that bears the name of Mrs; and, neglecting the merit and fervices of the reft of the army, to heap promotions upon his favourites and dependents, the prefent C-nd-r in Ch-f is the most generous man alive. Nature has been sparing of her gifts to this Noble Lord; but where birth and fortune are united, we expect the noble pride and independence of a man of fpirit, hot the fervile humiliating compliances of a courtier. As to the goodness of his heart, if a proof of it be taken from the facility of never refufing, what conclufion thail we draw from the indecency of never performing? And if the discipline of the army be in any degree preferved, what thanks are due to a man whofe cares, notoriously confined to filling up vacancies, have degraded the office of C-r in Ch-f into a broker of commillions?

With respect to the navy, I fhall o fay, that this country is fo highly inde ed to Sir Edward Hawke, that no exper fhould be spared to fecure him an hono able and amuent retreat.

The pure and impartial administrat of justice is perhaps the firmest bond fecure a chearful fubmiffion of the peop and to engage their affections to gove ment. It is not fufficient that questi of private right and wrong are justly cided; nor that judges are fuperior to vileness of pecuniary corruption. Je ries himself, when the court had no tereft, was an upright judge. A cour justice may be fubject to another fort bias, more important and pernicious, it reaches beyond the interest of indi duals, and affects the whole commun A judge, under the influence of gove ment, may be honest enough in the cifion of private causes, yet a traitor the public. When a victim is mari out by the ministry, this judge will of himself to perform the facrifice. He not fcruple to prostitute his dignitys a betray the fanctity of his office, whene an arbitrary point is to be carried gt, or the refentments of a cto be gratified.

Thele principles and proceedings, dious and contemptible as they are, effect are no lefs injudicious. A wife a generous people are roufed by every a pearance of oppreffive, unconftitution measures, whether those measures fupported openly by the power of gor masked under the forms of a c j-ft-e. Prudence and self-preservati will oblige the most moderate difpofitio to make a common caufe, even with man whose conduct they cenfure, if th fee him perfecuted in a way which real fpirit of the laws will not justi The facts on which these remarks founded, are too notorious to require application.

-

This, Sir, is the detail. In one vie behold a nation overwhelmed with deb her revenues wafted; her trade d clining; the affections of her colon alienated; — the duty of the magistra transferred to the foldiery; - a galla army, which never fought unwilling but against their fellow-fubjects, mo dering away for want of the direction a man of common abilities and fpirit;and, in the laft inftance, the adminiftr tion of justice become odious and fufped ed to the whole body of people. Th

deplorab

teplorable scene admits but of one addiion,-that we are governed by counfels, rom which a reasonable man can expect so remedy but poifon, no relief but death.

If by the immediate interpofition of Providence it were poffible for us to e(cape a crifis fo full of terror and defpair, pofterity will not believe the hiftory of the prefent times. They will either conclade, that our distrefles were imaginary, or that we had the good fortune to be governed by men of acknowledged inegrity and wisdom. They will not be ere it poffible, that their ancestors ould have furvived, or recovered from defperate a condition, while a Duke IG was prime minifter,-a Lord In chancellor of the exchequer, -a W——————————th and H———————h secretaries f ftate,a Gy commander in hief, and a chief criminal judge f the kingdom. JUNIUS.

What relates to the character of Lord —y has been answered by Sir Wilam Draper, who, from a long, impar• ial, and difinterested friendship with bat amiable commander, makes no fcrule to affirm, that all Junius's affertions re falfe and fcandalous.· "Lord Gran

's courage," fays Sir William, "though f the brightest and most ardent kind, is mong the lowest of his numerous good ualities. He was formed to excel in ar by Nature's liberality to his mind * well as perfon. Educated and inructed by his Most Noble father, and a soft fpirited as well as excellent fcholar, be prefent Bishop of Bangor, he was rained to the nicest fenfe of honour, ad to the truest and nobleft fort of pride, at of never doing or fuffering a mean tion. A fincere love and attachment bis king and country, and to their lory, first impelled him to the field, there he never gained ought but hoJour. He impaired, through his bouny, his own fortune; for his bounty, which this writer would in vain deprelinte, is founded upon the noblest of the human affections; it flows from a heart melting to goodness from the most refined humanity. The diftreffed officer, the foldier, the widow, the orphan, and a long lift befides, know that vanity has o fhare in his frequent donations: he gives, because he feels their diftreffes. Nor has he ever been rapacious with one band to be liberal with the other, as is candidly infinuated by this defamatory

writer, when he says, that the dignity of the commander has been depraved into the office of a broker of commissions: an infamous charge, equally deftitute of truth and decency. He is next attacked for being unfaithful to his promises. Where are the proofs? Although I could give fome inftances, where a breach of promife would be a virtue, especially in the cafe of those who would pervert the open, unfufpecting moments of convivial mirth, into fly, infidious applications for preferment, or party-fyftems, and would endeavour to furprise a good man, who cannot bear to fee any one leave him diffatisfied, into unguarded promifes.

But the most serious and alarming charge against his Lordship is, That the army is mouldering away, for want of the direction of a man of common abilities and fpirit.

To this, the prefent condition of the army gives the directeft lie. It was never upon a more refpe&table footing with regard to difcipline, and all the effentials that can form good foldiers. Lord Ligonier delivered a firm and noble palladium of our safeties into Lord Granby's hands, who has kept it in the fame good order in which he received it. The adjutant-general, who has the immediate care of the troops, after Lord Granby, is an officer who would do great honour to any fervice in Europe, for his correct arrangements, good fenfe and difcernment upon all occafions, and for a punc tuality and precifion which give the most entire fatisfaction to all who are obliged to confult him. The reviewing generals, who infpect the army twice a year, have been felected with the greatest care, and have anfwered the important truft repofed in them in the most laudable manner. Their reports of the condition of the army are much more to be credited than thofe of Junius; whom I do advise to atone for his fhameful afperfions, by afking pardon of Lord Granby, and the whole kingdom, whom he has offended by his abominable scandals. In short, to turn Junius's own battery against him, I muft affert in his own words," that he has given strong affertions without proof, declamation without argument, and violent cenfures without dignity or modera tion."

To this defence, the writer, under the fignature of Junius, made the following rePly, in a letter addressed to Sir William Draper.

Without,

Without, fays he, difputing Lord Gby's courage, we are yet to learn in what articles of military knowledge nature has been fo very liberal to his mind. If you have served with him, you ought to have pointed out some instances of able difpofition and well-concerted en terprife, which might fairly be attributed to his capacity as a general.

You fay he has acquired nothing but honour in the field. Is the ordnance nothing? Are the Blues nothing? Is the command of the army, with all the patronage annexed to it, nothing? Where he got thefe nothings I know not; but you at least ought to have told us where he deferved them.

As to his bounty, compaffion, &c. I meddle with nothing but his character as C-r in Ch―; and though I acquit him of the basenefs of felling commiffions, I ftill aflert, that, in the diftribution of vacancies, be confults nothing but py interefts, or the gratification of his immediate dependents. You candidly admit, that upon certain occafions he often makes fuch promifes as it is a virtue in him to violate. I defire it may be remembered, that I never defcended to the indecency of inquiring into his convivial hours. It is you, Sir William, who have taken pains to represent your friend in the character of a drunken landlord, who deals out his promifes as liberally as his liquor, and will fuffer no man to leave

his table either forrowful or fober.

The writer having in this manner ende voured to fupport his original charge gainst the C-nd-r in C-f, addreffes hi felf next to his defender.

When you, Sir William, returned Europe, fays he, you zealously underto the cause of that gallant army, by who bravery at Manilla your own fortunes b been established. You complained, y threatened, you even appealed to the p blic in print [xxvi. 722.]. By what cident did it happen, that in the mid all this buftle, and all these clamours juftice to your injured troops, the nat of the Manilla ranfom was fuddenly t ried in a profound, and fince that tin niftry fuggeft any motives to you stro an uninterrupted filence? Did the n enough to tempt a man of honour to fert and betray the cause of his fello foldiers? Was it that blushing ribbar which is now the perpetual orname of your perfon? or was it that regime which you afterwards (a thing unpre dented among foldiers) fold to Col. G borne? or was it that government, full pay of which you are contented hold, with the half-pay of an Irish co nel? And do you now, after a retr not very like that of Scipio, prefume intrude yourself, unthought of, uncall for, upon the patience of the publi Are your flatteries of the C Ch-directed to another regiment, wh you may again difpofe of, on the fa honourable terms? We know your p dence, Sir William, and I fhould be t ry to stop your preferment.

Sir William Draper, by way of re to this fresh attack, has entered int ferious and fpirited defence of his No friend, and concluded with a full vin cation of his own character. He beg with afking Junius, "by what forced nalogy and conftruction the moments convivial mirth are made to fignify in drunken landlord, and a defire that ev cency, a violation of engagements,

As to the laft charge, Lord Ligonier did not deliver the army [which you, in claffical language, are pleased to call a palladium] into Lord Gby's hands. It was taken from him, much against his inclination, fome two or three years before Lord Gy was commander in chief [xxviii. 447]. As to the state of the army, the reports of reviewing generals comprehend only a few regiments in England, which, as they are immediately under the royal inspection, are perhaps in fome tolerable order. But do you know any thing of the troops in the one in company fhould be drunk likew West Indies, the Mediterranean, and He must have culled all the flowers of North America, to fay nothing of a whole Giles's and Billingsgate to have produ army abfolutely ruined in Ireland? In- fuch a piece of oratory *." quire a little into facts, Sir William, before you publish your next panegyric up. on Lord Gy, and believe me you will find there is a fault at head-quarters, which even the acknowledged care and abilities of the adjutant-general cannot correct.

Sir William, on another occafion, thus explained his meaning in the amb ous fentence of his first letter, in this m ner.

"A man of business must know, a commander in chief, or a minifter of t from a multiplicity of applications, can trust their memories with the whole

« ZurückWeiter »