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have been prevented from warping and starting from their allotted places.

INJURIES.

ANY contumely, any outrage is readily passed over, by the indulgence which we all owe to sudden passion. These things are soon forgot upon occasions in which all men are so apt to forget themselves. Deliberate injuries, to a degree must be remembered, because they require deliberate precautions to be secured against their return.

INNOVATION.

A SPIRIT of innovation is generally the result of a selfish temper and confined views. People will not look forward to posterity, who never look backward to their ancestors.

* * * *

It cannot at this tiine be too often repeated ; line upon line; precept upon precept; until it comes into the currency of a proverb, to innovate is not to reform.

* * * *

Let those who have the trust of political or of natural authority ever keep watch against the desperate enterprizes of innovation : let even their benevolence be fortified and armed.

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INSTINCT.

The wise legislators of all countries aimed at imroving instincts into morals, and at grafting the irtues on the stock of the natural affections.

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We are all of us made to shun disgrace, as we are made to shrink from pain, and poverty, and disease. It is an instinct; and under the direction of reason, instinct is always in the right.

INSTRUCTIONS FROM CONSTITUENTS TO THEIR

MEMBERS.

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CERTAINLY, it ought to be the happiness and glory
of a representative, to live in the strictest union, the
closest correspondence, and the most unreserved
communication with his constituents. Their wishes
ought to have great weight with him ; their opi-
nion high respect; their business unrennitted atten-
tion. It is his duty to sacrifice his repose, his
pleasures, his satisfactions, to theirs; and, above all,
ever, and in all cases, to prefer their interest to his
own. But, his unbiassed opinion, his mature judge
ment, his enlightened conscience, he ought not to sa-
crifice to you; to any man, or to any set of men
living. These he does not derive from your pleasure;
no, nor from the law and the constitution. They are
"a trust from Providence, for the abuse of which he is
deeply answerable. Your representative owes you, not
his industry only, but his judgment; and he betrays,
instead of serving you, if he sacrifices it to your
opinion.

My worthy colleague says, his will ought to be subservient to yours. If that be all, the thing is innocent. If government were a matter of will upon any side, yours, without question, ought to be superior. But government and legislation are matters of reason and judgment, and not of inclination; and, what sort of reason is that, in which the determination

precedes the discussion; in which one set of men deliberate, and another decide ; and where those who form the conclusion are perhaps three hundred miles distant from those who hear the arguments ?

To deliver an opinion, is the right of all men; that of constituents is a weighty and respectable opinion, which a representative ought always to rejoice to hear; and which he ought always most seriously to consider. But authoritative instructions ; mandates issued, which the member is bound blindly and implicitly to obey, to vote, and to argue for, though contrary to the clearest conviction of his judgment and conscience; these are things utterly unknown to the laws of this land, and which arise from a fundamental mistake of the whole order and tenor of our constitution.

Parliament is not a congress of ambassadors from different and hostile interests; which interests each must maintain, as an agent and advocate, against other agents and advocates; but parliament is a deliberative assembly of one nation, with one interest, that of the, whole ; where, not local purposes, not local prejudices ought to guide, but the general good, resulting from the general reason of the whole. You choose a member indeed; but when you have chosen him, he is not member of Bristol, but he is a member of parliament. If the local constituent should have an interest, or should form an hasty opinion, evidently opposite to the real good of the rest of the community, the member for that place ought to be as far, as any other, from any endeavour to give it effect.

INSTRUMENTS BECOME MASTERS.

It is a law of nature, that whoever is necessary to what we have made our object, is sure in some way, or in some time or other, to become our master.

INTERFERENCE IN FOREIGN GOVERNMENTS. DISTANCE of place does not extinguish the daties or the rights of men ; but it often renders their exercise impracticable. The same circumstance of distance renders the noxious effects of an evil system in any community less pernicious. But there are situations where this difficulty does not occur; and in which, therefore, these duties are obligatory, and these rights are to be asserted. It has ever been the method of public jurists to draw a great part of the analogies on which they form the law of nations, from the principles of law which prevail in civil community. Civil laws are not all of them merely positive. Those which are rather conclusions of legal reason, than matters of statutable provision, belong to universal equity, and are universally applicable. Almost the whole prætorian law is such. There is a Law of Neighbourhood which does not leave a man perfect master on his own ground. When a neighbour sees a new erection, in the nature of a nuisance, set up at his door, he has a right to represent it to the judge; who, on his part. has a right to order the work to be staid ; or if established, to be removed. On this head, the parent law is express and clear; and has made many wise provisions, which, without destroying, regulate and restrain the right of ownership, by the right of vicinage. No innovation is permitted that may redound, even secondarily, to the prejudice of a neighbour. The whole doctrine of that important head of prætorian law, De novi operis nunciatione,” is founded on the principle, that no new use should be made of a man's , private liberty of operating upon his private property, from whence a detriment may be justly apprehended by his neighbour. This law of denunciation is prospective. It is to anticipate what is called damnun

Infectum, or damnum nondum factum, that is a damage justly apprehended but not actually done. Even before it is clearly known, whether the innovation be damageable or not, the judge is competent to issue a prohibition to innovate, until the point can be determined. This prompt interference is grounded on principles favourable to both parties. It is preventive of mischief difficult to be repaired, and of ill blood difficult to be softened. The rule of law, therefore, which comes before the evil, is amongst the

very

best parts of equity, and justifies the promptness of the remedy ; because as it is well observed, Res damni infecti celeritatem desiderat et periculosa est dilatio. This right of denunciation does not hold, when things continue, however inconveniently to the neighbourhood, according to the ancient mode. For there is a sort of presumption against novelty, drawn out of a deep consideration of human nature and human affairs; and the maxim of jurisprudence is well laid down, Vetustas pro lege semper habetur.

Such is the law of civil vicinity. Now where there is no constituted judge, as between independent states there is not, the vicinage itself is the natural judge. It is, preventively, the assertor of its own rights; or remedially, their avenger. Neighbours are presumed to take cognizance of each others acts. “Vicini, vicinorum

facta presumuntur scire.” This principle, which, like the rest, is as true of nations, as of individual inen, has bestowed on the grand vicinage of Europe, a duty to know, and a right to prevent, any capital innovation which may amount to the erection of a dangerous nuisance. Of the importance of that innovation, and the mischief of that nuisance, they are, to be sure, bound to judge not litigiously : but it is in their coinpetence to judge. They have uniformly acted on this right. What in civil society is a ground of action, in

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