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protective of our native industry, according to a variety of incidental circumstances. Suppose the foreign article to be one whereof the consumption here can be greatly extended, and which is made better and cheaper than our native production ; financial motives will induce us to fix the duty at the point of greatest productiveness: which point may, probably, be too low for protection against the superior cheapness of the foreign article.

On the other hand, if the commodity be one which, from whatever causes, can be more cheaply produced in England, the lowest duty will be a protection; or rather, the article will protect itself, without any duty.

And, according to the principles which we have endeavoured to maintain, there is in this state of the matter, and in these various effects of the same revenue system, nothing inconsistent with sound policy; or with the principles and prayer of the merchants' petition.

But, in effecting the transition to this policy, from a system of prohibition and restriction, it may be allowable, not at once to reduce the duties to the point at which they will be most productive. To the point at which they will destroy the profits of the smuggler, they must be reduced, in regard as well to the interests of the domestic producer, as to the revenue. This was the principle upon which the silk duties were lowered in 1829, when Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald and Mr. Courtenay were at the Board of Trade. But we may fairly pause, and proceed gradually, in reducing the duties to that lower point at which the enlarged consumption will produce a greater revenue. This gradual abatement of duty is all that we can do, by way of lightening the harshness of the operation, upon domestic producers, of the transition from the one system to the other. The main point to be attended to, in the management of this gradual process is, to make it clearly understood that the regard which we pay to the principle of protection is only temporary, and that any more lasting effect which our financial measures may bave in protecting domestic productions, is accidental, and furnishes no claim for the continuance of protection.

But here is another difficulty! so far as the profits of the capitalists are concerned, we may fairly say, you knew what you were about; you had fair warning; if our measures diminish your profits you have no more right to complain than bave other merchants, or manufacturers, on any other of the numerous occasions in which they suffer from change of circumstances. But the situation of the artizans and labourers who may be thrown out of enploy is not exactly the same with that of their masters. These poor persons could not be expected to calculate, for themselves, the effects of political measures; and moreover,

if, as is probable, there is not merely a tolerable diminution, but an entire loss of wages, they are involved in misery, and become, by our law technically and avowedly, but really and in truth by the law of every state, and by the nature of things, burthensome upon the community at large. Our feelings of humanity, and a consideration of our own interests and of the public peace, would therefore deter us from reducing them to this extremity.

We do not mention this consideration as justifying a departure from the rule of proceeding gradually, but still proceeding, from the restrictive to the free system ; but it assuredly increases greatly the difficulty of the transition ; because it displays a manifest and a palpable evil, to be balanced against a speculative and less apparent good. This is what the opponents of free trade mean, when they insist upon practice as opposed to theory.

We are not prepared to say that the transition can be effected, without producing an actual' increase of distress somewhere; or even, that there will not be, for a time, an increase on the whole: but we have shown that in the present case, the distress occasioned by the change of system, cannot have extended beyond a number of persons comparatively small, relative to those from whom the general extension of employment which has followed that change must have averted it.

When to these considerations is added the conviction, that the free system is, on the whole, beneficial to the people, that every individual partakes, in his degree, of that general benefit, and that, although each man's share of each separate benefit is scarcely perceptible, his share of the whole is considerable, we cannot doubt of the propriety of extending the system cautiously, and by degrees, to all commodities not connected with subsistence or security, * notwithstanding the local and temporary pressure which even the most gradual application of it may possibly occasion. It

may be remarked here, that embarrassments similar to those which attend the transition from a restricted to a free system are liable to arise in every case in which duties operate, though unintentionally and inadvertently, as a protection to native industry.

The opposers of free trade, as well as its advocates, are apt to object to our present system, that it is not perfectly free trade. There are still protecting duties not only upon corn, but upon manufactures. Corn, we repeat, stands, and ought to stand, by itself; but so much of the duty upon foreigu manufactures as is collected for any other purpose than revenue, we admit to be

It will be seen, that these exceptions are made, because corn and shipping liave been put aside from the present discussion.

inconsistent with the principles which we have laid down; and trust that we shall at no distant period be enabled to say, that no duties or regulations exist which are not essential to the revenue.

It is not fair to say, that there is not free trade, because certain articles are taxed on importation. If the tax, whether on importation or home manufacture, be only such as to produce the largest revenue, it can no more be condemned as a restraint upon commerce, than assessed taxes are restraints upon building, and employing horses, carriages, or servants. Revenue, however raised, must produce restraint or inconvenience somewhere ; it is enough for the principle of free trade, that such restriction is not the object of the tax; and that its amount is not enhanced with any other than a fiscal intention. An import duty is, strictly speaking, a commercial and not a fiscal tax, when the article to which it is attached, or the corresponding article, if there be one, is duty-free, when grown or made at home. Sometimes, however, even in this case, the motive may be financial, as when a tax is laid on importation, as an easy mode of raising revenue ; such a tax being less vexatious in the collection than a tax upon internal production or consumption. To preserve the true principle in such cases, it is only necessary to fix the duty at the point of greatest productiveness.

Upon these grounds we think that our tariff still requires amendment; and that the silk duties, in particular, which are so high as to encourage smuggling, ought still to be lowered.

This suggestion does not imply an opinion, that “the transition has not been prudently managed."* We have no fault to find in this respect with Mr. Huskisson or his successors : the step in the march of true principle may properly be slow, if it be steady and straightforward.

Probably, the effects of what has been done already have not been so operative, either for good or evil, as is on either side pretended. We trust that we have shown that the evil cannot be very great, and that, except in general assertion, even the alleged evil is small. We have shown that, whether in consequence of the new measures, or in spite of them, our commerce and navigation have been greatly extended; that there has been more of employment for the people engaged in trade and manufacture.

And if there be much in the situation of our farmers, and their labourers, and of our manufacturers, tradesmen, and artizans, which vexes the statesman, and puzzles the philosopher, the prejudiced and the sophist alone can ascribe it to“ Free Trade.”

# Vol. x. p. 102.

Art. VII.-1. Un Elezione di Membri del Parlamento in Inghil

terra, del Signor Giuseppe Pecchio. Lugano, 1826. sm. Svo. 2. Osservazioni semi-serie di un Esule sull'Inghilterra. Lugano,

1831. 8vo. ENGLAND has perhaps incurred more than its share of the misrepresentation which every civilized country must expect to receive at the hands of foreign travellers. Nor is it difficult to discern the reason. The habits and institutions of England are essentially different from those of the continent. We differ from other European nations in the externals of life, in those points which fall first under the observation of the traveller, more than any of those nations differ from each other; and the master-key which would unlock the knowledge of many peculiarities on the other side of the channel, is comparatively useless on this. We are a reserved people—we unbosom ourselves little to each other -and still less to those who are of another country. We are not a demonstrative people--the drama of life is not acted by us as if it were a drama-is not acted as if we sought observation and applause, and least of all, the applause of foreigners. Our characteristic is the pride which locks up its feelings and motives--not the vanity which would lay them open. We are a domestic people-our lives are comparatively little before the publicbut we enclose ourselves in that sanctuary “ home," into which the stranger cannot come; and if he thinks he has entered and viewed this sanctuary, he is probably mistaken.

But besides all this, there is perhaps no country which sets speculation more at defiance-no country more calculated to perplex the theorizer, who might visit it, not with a patient spirit of careful inquiry, but with a disposition to draw extensive inferences from a few prominent facts, and to accommodate results to what, by very legitimate rules of reasoning, he might have demonstrated they ought to be. In a country which acknowledges so largely the dominion of reason, the foreign semi-philosopher will be surprised to find so much, for which, by the application of logical rules, he cannot account. It is not a country in which the traveller can say with certainty: “ thus it is in this case, and thus, therefore, must it be in that." There is little here of rule and compass; little that looks regular upon paper, and can easily be embodied in a systematic classification. It is a land of anomalies. We are, it is true, a methodical and a reasoning people, but we show our reason, not in forming regular and povel systems, but in engrafting our novelties upon a stock which is old. In our institutions and customs, we have some things that

are feudal ; some things that may have arisen from accident, rather than from design,--whose origin is obscure, and which have outlived the circumstances that gave them birth; and all these we retain, and wisely, because we are used to them, and because we would apply the cementing force of babit, to give that union of strength and pliability which the best devised novelty can seldom possess in an equal degree.

If England is calculated to perplex the philosophic traveller, it is perhaps still less suitable for the superficial sketcher, the butterfly flutterer from pleasure to pleasure, the play-going, picture-seeking, rout-frequenting tourist.

“ England,” says Count Pecchio," is formed rather for our study than for our amusement. It is a vast book of science. Its theatres are the arsenals of Deptford and Portsmouth, or the East and West India docks; its pictures are the manufactures of Glasgow, of Manchester, of Leeds, of Halifax; its Coliseum, its arches, and arenas, are the smoking forges and workshops, with which whole districts are covered; its Champs Elysées are its mines of iron in Wales, of tin in Devonshire, and of coal at Newcastle. England is not the enchanted isle of Alciua, where men pass their days in song and laughter, only in the end to vegetate or become brutes. The English are the men of Europe ; they laugh little, perhaps too little, but in its stead they think how to render life least unhappy, and to soften and educate the grosser qualities of human nature.

Among those who have misrepresented England, the majority, strange to say, have belonged to that nation which may justly be considered one of the most acute and enlightened in the world. There is scarcely in modern times a more faulty and ridiculous body of literature than that of French works upon England, from the commencement of the eighteenth century to about ten years ago. Even the genius and acuteness of Voltaire seemed to become obscured and feeble, when he attempted to treat of the manners, institutions and literature of this island; and as for the inferior fry of French writers on England, the Grosleys, Mezlhiacs, Levises and Pillets, if they do not irritate us by their libels, it is because we are rather moved to laughter by their absurdities. But latterly the French have cast aside that Chinese veil of ignorant presumption which so long impeded the free exercise of their natural intelligence, and led them to estimate everything by a narrow standard of their own; and they have also, we trust, laid aside that unworthy jealousy which once caused them to feel a pleasure in the wilful depreciation of England. A better spirit has arisen, and France has amply redeemed its credit. We do not class among French works on England, (although in that language), that of M. Simond, one of the most candid and obser

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