ON Saturday, November 16, 1918, we read in the evening paper that an Englishman - the first since the war broke out a certain Mr. Jeffries, representing the Daily Mail, had arrived in Vienna. Mr. Jeffries reached Vienna from Innsbrück on the evening of the 12th, the day when the Republic was officially proclaimed; and, in an interview, he had expressed his astonishment at the quietness with which the function passed off. He is reported to have telegraphed to his paper that he saw only one broken window-pane; but, on the other hand, he was struck by the number of well-dressed promenaders on the Ring, and can hardly believe that the population of Vienna, especially the better class, is suffering so severely as is commonly supposed in England.

As a matter of fact, Vienna, as any competent person could have told him, is on the verge of starvation

no

food, no clothes, no coals, and a severe winter in prospect. But it is clear that this is Mr. Jeffries' first visit to Vienna, otherwise he would have known, first,

at the Viennese are probably the most orderly and best-conducted crowd in Europe; and secondly, that it is the

VOL. 13 - NO. 657

endeavor of each Viennese, no matter how poor and hungry he is, to dress as well as, or even better than, his purse allows him. The revolution passed off quietly because not one person in ten cared a brass farthing for it politically. It was an experiment; and all that people hoped and still hope from it is that it will put an end to their sufferings and enable them to enjoy life once more. It was the same thing in 1848, as we learn from Grillparzer's Reminiscences.

The revolution (if the collapse of the old régime can be called such) was the work of a handful of individuals, at the head of whom stood the editor of the Arbeiter Zeitung, Viktor Adler; but it has little hold on the people except, as we said, as a possible means of evading starvation; and the Arbeiter Zeitung, which is concerned to keep alive what enthusiasm there exists for the young Republic by emphasizing the fact that 'it is the dragon of militarism that has lived in our midst and eaten up our provisions,' is not far wrong in saying that 'we have a Republic but no republicans.' Things are different in Hungary and Bohemia, where provisions are cheap and plenti

The Avetrian German is at best a doctrinaire. His indifference to politics *town Vogliahman unintelligible; his want of principle not less so. Not four jowe wype of those who now figure w* out and out Republicans, and even bold office in the new Government, were convinced monarchists and admirers of William II and Tisza. Had the Central Powers won, those individuals would have remained true to the yellow and black flag of the House of Hamburg, and we should have heard plenty of excuses for militarism. We remember an article written by the editor of what is to day perhaps the most radical paper in Vienna, belauding William II in a strain which all but clevated him to the divine. The German is sometimes very amusing. For instance, if he takes it into his head to become a golfer, his first business is to visit his tailor and order a red cont; his second to buy a book on the subjeet, and then to tackle the game itself. So it is with our new republicans. We have got our flags; we have dismissed the Emperor and his family; we have covered up, if (in anticipation of a counter revolution) we have not removed, every trace of the imperial arms from our shop windows, just as wo did English spoken here' at the beginning of the war; we call no man Excelloney any more; and some of us have

ever tier to reading Bore on the Amenral Commovent, but we are repLOUZJE Ody in name

The premation of the Reporär was the sign for the duodution of the oid Partament That Parliament, or rather the House of Commas fie with its sleeping partner, the House of Lori, we need not here ecorem ourwches, represented the people of the odd Empire of Austria as a wholeGermans, Poles, Czech, Ruthenians, Jugo-Slavs, and Italians—on the basis of universal manhood suffrage. In all appearance it was the most democratic country in Europe- but only in appearance. In fact it was, as it had ever been, an unlovely despotism.' The Ministry consisted of nominees of the Crown; and, in addition to this privilege, the Crown had the right by paragraph 14 of the Constitution to send Parliament about its business and rule alone, with the saving clause that its proceedings in the interim should be sanctioned by the sanctioned by the next following Parliament.

Naturally, when war against Serbia was declared, the paragraph was at once called into requisition; and the real and only ruler of Austria became the Minister-President Graf Stürgkh, who, in his turn, was merely the tool of the Hungarian Prime Minister, Tisza, and the military party. As the war continued longer than was at first expected, and people began to grow impatient of their sufferings, a demand arose that Parliament should be summoned. To this demand Graf Stürgkh turned a deaf ear. One day he was murdered by the son of Viktor Adler.. Shortly afterwards the Emperor, Francis Joseph, died; and his successor, the Emperor Carl, in his desire to right matters, agreed to summon Parliament, and at the same time amnestied the political victims (mostly Czechs) of Graf Stürgkh's régime. The result was

that, when Parliament met, his conduct (which was attributed to the influence of Professor Lammasch) was violently denounced by the German Nationalists and Christian Socialists. But their efforts to reverse the Emperor's act proved unavailing; and from this moment the Czechs began to obtain the upper hand. Owing to their opposition, the task of carrying on the war became very difficult; and representations were made to Germany that Austria had reached the limits of her strength. The statement was received with incredulity by Ludendorff; and, in order to screw Austrian courage up to the sticking-point, large military assistance was sent and the great offensive against Italy started. The Italians were driven back on the line of the Piave; another stroke, and it was thought Italy must succumb.

Hitherto, the mot d'ordre had been 'peace without annexations and indemnities.' But under the effect of the great victory the author of that phrase, Graf Czernin, who had succeeded Baron Burian at the Foreign Office shortly after the accession of the Emperor Carl, thought fit to threaten a revision of the terms of peace, and at the same time to denounce the Czechs as a nation of traitors. In the same spirit of confidence in the successful issue of the war, certain proposals made at this time (September, 1917) by President Wilson were suppressed.

But, as time went on, and the Italians, supported by the English and French, managed, contrary to all expectation, to maintain their position, public enthusiasm declined. Winter was coming on; the harvest, owing to the prolonged drought, was below the average; and the people were beginning to suffer severely from want of bread and other necessities of life. Their courage was restored by the BrestLitovsk peace and the promise of

plentiful supplies from the Ukraine. The bread never came; but the BrestLitovsk peace set free the German and Austrian armies on the east front. The situation for the Allies, owing to the inability of America to counterbalance the increased strength thus acquired by the Germans on the west front, was sufficiently critical to induce them to offer terms for a compromise. Apparently Czernin, whose speech against the Czechs had raised a hornet's nest about his ears, was willing to discuss matters; but he was restrained by Ludendorff's famous 'Let us conquer."

Twenty-four hours later the German March offensive began. This time the English were to be driven into the sea and Paris to be captured. The pick of the Austrian army was sent to assist. For a time it looked as if the general expectation of success was about to be realized. The English were compelled to retreat, and Paris was bombarded. Hindenburg received the highest order it was in the power of William II to give him; and Vienna was officially beflagged. For the last time, as it proved; for shortly afterwards came Foch's great counter-offensive, and step by step the Germans were driven back and over their old lines. The disappointment was intense. To all but the blindest the issue of the long struggle was becoming clear at last. On September 11 the German Government through the imperial Vice-Chancellor, von Payer, announced its readiness to agree to an 'honorable peace,' on the basis of a union of nations as proposed by Wilson. For Austria, Baron Burian, who had succeeded Czernin, did the same. But his note was coolly received in England and France; and, before further steps had been taken, the Bulgarian front was broken by the united efforts of the English, French, Serbians, and Greeks. By the end of the month Bulgaria sub