357] Suggestions on the Crimes and Punishment of George Duke of Clarence. [358 with strangers, we attribute to them various qualities, which as it may be they have attained, we suppose they really have attained. In like manner, we have no right to fancy persons of elevated rank, deficient in any accomplishment which becomes them; but we infer from their actual occupation of their station, whatever it be, that they are fitted for it, and adequate to it both in mental talents, and in previous preparations. That these sentiments may degenerate into mere expressions, till there is not even a semblance of reality left, must be acknowledged; and after a time, terms of respect become so hacknied, by having been employed on all occasions, proper and improper, that they no longer convey the same ideas, but are absolute expletives, used because custom demands a something; and the occasion is too trifling to engage our researches after any thing better. It must however be acknowledged, that every nation has phrases of the same kind, from the impossible "O king live for ever!" to the Spanish diminutive of that sublime salutation, "May your honour live a thousand years!" This wish is now as impossible, as the former; it is equally incapable of vindication if strictly taken, while it is much less impressive. "I have the honour to kiss your hands," says one, by way of farewell salutation in a letter; "I am your very bumble servant," says another; "Command my best services," says a third. But custom has annexed a meaning understood or qualified, rather than literally included in these words. Nobody is deceived by them, and they may well enough be retained, till something better not liable to ambiguity or perversion, be proposed by way of substitute, and established by general convention and usage. Such are some of the observations of a correspondent, in a note which accompanied the following translation from the French, with which he has honoured our work, and which we have now the pleasure to submit to our readers. In France, and in Paris especially, the word pleasure is a mere matter of form; there is Jess pleasure than noise and bustle; the word is used by every mouth, without ever expressing its real meaning. A gentleman has the pleasure of seeing you, the pleasure of writing to you, the pleasure of meeting you, and the pleasure of hearing you, though he does not pay the least attention to what you are saying to him. If you put a question to him, he will tell you he has had the pleasure of dining at Mr. Such-a-one's, where he was worried to death. If you invite him to your house, he will answer, "with great pleasure;" but will not go. If a lady request the favour of his arm, "with great pleasure, Madam,” answers he, while he curses that politeness which sumanonses him from his own business. When You are praising an absent friend, you desire him to listen to you, "with great pleasure," he will reply; yet he abhors the person you are commending. He has the honour of write ing to persons of distinction, he has the plea sure of writing to his equals, but has neither honour nor pleasure when writing to his inferiors. But do not trust to those distinctions; he often despises the man whom he has the honour to address; and often sits gaping while penning the letter he has the pleasure to write. Yet, he seldom finds any amusement, or is treated with regard, but on account of his keeping company with those to, whom he writes, without either, honour or pleasure. SUGGESTIONS ON THE CRIMES AND PUNISH The character of King Richard III. especially as drawn by Shakespeare, is so deeply overwhelmed in blood, that other characters, his contemporaries, though very guilty, yet being less guilty than he is, appear comparatively innocent. Of this we have an instance in George Duke of Clarence, whose untimely end draws from us a kind of pity, but pity warranted only by comparison; for, were this prince drawn in his true colours, we could not but hate him, and that decidedly. The Poet himself makes him confess some facts extremely vile; when rehearsing his dream of what happened to him in his visit to the kingdom of perpetual night. The first that there did greet my stranger soul, These public crimes were so well known, that even the murderers of Clarence reproach him with them, observing, And that same vengeance doth he hurl on thee, Uprip'dst the bowels of thy sovereign's son, But there were less known vices in the cha racter of the Duke of Clarence, which vindi cate the justice of Providence in bringing up on him a retribution for actions committed, not in the heat of military fury, but-coldblooded murder. He was also, to say the least, unjustly avaricious, nor is he free from suspi N 2 359] Suggestions on the Crimes and Punishment of George Duke of Clarence. [360 cion of having looked forward, too much in the manner of Richard himself. We have no design to support Horace Walpole in clearing the character of Richard; but the same evidence as proves that Clarence was unjust, proves that Richard had more causes of enmity against him, than our historians have acquainted us with. Among the Paston Letters is one, from John Paston, Knight, dated February17, 1471, 11th Edward IV. in which we read, "Yist'day the Kynge, the Qween, my Lordes of Claraunce and Glowcest' wente to Scheen to pardons men sey not alle in cheryte. What wyll falle men cannot seye. "The Kynge entretyth my Lorde off Clarance for my Lorde of Glowcest'; and as it is seyde, he answerythe, that he may well have my Ladye hys sust' in lawe; butt they schall part no lyvehod, as ke seythe. So what wyll alle can I not seye.” The key to this letter is furnished by Sir J. Fenn the editor. It appears that the Duke of Clarence had married Isabel, one of the daughters and coheirs of the great Earl of Warwick; and in consequence of this alliance, had sworn to take the part of his father-in law; this oath he broke. Prince Edward had married the other daughter Anne; and this prince was cruelly murdered at Tewksbury; in the guilt of which our historians say, that Richard Duke of Gloucester, and his brother Clarence, were both partakers. Whatever other motives Clarence might have for this bloody deed, it is clear that he reaped the fruits of it, by enjoying the whole of the possessions of the Earl of Warwick, his wife Isabel being the eldest daughter. It appears then, that he intended to deprive the youngest daughter Anne, of her proper share; and that his answer was to the Duke of Glou cester, who proposed to marry Anne, now a widow, that he might marry that lady if he pleased; but that he (Clarence) should relinquish no part of her share in her father's possessions." It appears that the King entreated Clarence to obey the dictates of justice and honour; and to admit his brother to what should be his right, as the property of his wife. To this injunction, for such it really was, Clarence was deaf; and so, though the whole family went to Sheen to confession and pardon, yet, the angry temper of their minds, as the letterwriter justly observes, was inconsistent with Christian charity. Neither did Clarence abate his misconduct; for in another letter from the same person, dated April 15, 1473, 13th Edward IV. therefore more than two years after the former, we read To John Paston Esger at Norwych be thys d'd. Wyrshypfull and well belovyd Brother, I comand me to yow letyng you weet yt the Worlde semyth qweysye leer for the most part that be abowt the Kyng have sende hyddr ffor_ther harneys and it seyd for serteyn that ye Duke off Clarance makyth hym bygge in that he kan schewyng as he would dele wi the Duke of Glowcest' but the Kyng ententyth in eschyewying all Inconvenyents to be as bygge as they bothe and to be a styffeler atweyn them, and som men thynke yt undre thys ther sholde be som other thinge entendyd and son treason conspyred so what shall falle can I not seye." It is clear that the Duke of Clarence intended to resist by force of arms, the claims which Richard, who had lately married Anne, sister to Isabel, Duchess of Clarence, prefered, and justly, to his wife's share of the Earl her father's property. Armour, (harneys) is sent for by the most part of those who are about the King's person; because the Duke of Clarence is strengthening himself all in his power against the Duke of Gloucester; and if he should succeed in repelling that Duke, with whom the king sided, some men thought that he would not be content with that, but that the king himself might find a traitor in his brother Clarence; who might employ against the crown, those levies which he had pretended to raise for self-defence only. It cannot now be denied, that it was the part of prudence in Edward, to watch Clarence, if not indeed, to shut him up; and that Richard, provoked by the refusal of Clarence, should urge the king to severities against him, appears to be a much more natural consequence of Clarence's own misconduct; and a stronger cause of enmity on the part of the Duke of Gloucester, than has hitherto appeared in the relations of our best informed historians. But this inference is greatly strengthened, if it could be proved that Clarence was of a violent and oppressive disposition; that he did not scruple any means to effect his purposes; and that he had overborne even the judicial institutions of his country, and what Englishmen should support (not pervert) at the peril of their lives. We have lately perused proof of this also, of which the following is a transcript : 66 The manor of Keyford (Somerset) was some time the property of the ancient family of Twyniho. Among the memoirs of this family I find a circumstance, which, as it throws light on a character but imperfectly sketched in the English history, and exhibits a specimen of the irregularities attending, at that period, the administration of public justice, may not seem unworthy of mention. It appears that their house was one day suddenly surrounded and broken open by a great number of people, who without writ or warrant seized on the person of Ankerette, widow of William Twyniho. This riotous party were headed by 361] Suggestions on the Crimes and Punishment of George Duke of Clarence. 1362 one Hyde, of Warwick, and a Roger Strugge, wonder that none of our historians (at least, of some place in the neighbourhood, tucker. so far as I can discover) throw out the most They forcibly conveyed the poor woman (who distant hint of this prince having committed was equally ignorant of the cause of her im- so horrible a murder;-much less do they in prisonment and of the measures which were form us of the transaction that I have recited. about to be pursued against her) to the city of In looking back to contemporary events, how Bath, where for a night they halted. She had ever, I think we shall find our suspicions of not been allowed to bring a servant with her, his guilt too strongly supported to be staggernor even to stay a moment in her house in or- ed. The very year in which the Duchess is der to accommodate herself with any articles of stated to have been murdered, the Duchess apparel. The day following her arrival at Bath, Dowager of Burgundy, in order to answer she was conveyed to Cirencester, in Glouces- Some purposes of state, offered her daughter tershire, and hurried thence to Warwick, adis- Maria, heiress to the Duchy, in marriage to tance of seventy miles from her home. Here, Clarence, just then become a widower. That by order of George Duke of Clarence, brother his wife should have died by natural means at of Edward IV. who had directed the business a period so critical, and so fortunate for the from the beginning, she was deprived of all the interests of the Duke, to whom the proposal money, jewels, &c. found about her person, from the Duchess of Burgundy must have and put into a place of confinement. Her been in the highest degree flattering, may daughter, who, anxious for her safety, and de- with good reason be doubted; and, as he wedsirous of tracing out the object of this forcible ded her more for the sake of cementing his and unlawful proceeding, had followed with connection with her father, (the king-making some relations and servants, was commanded by Earl of Warwick), than from motives of af the Duke to leave Warwick without delay, and fection, it does not seem probable that so unlodge the same night at Stratford upon Avon, principled a man would feel any scruple to disunder pain of death. On the third day of her patch her. Be this as it may, his enemies predetention, the unfortunate prisoner was car- vented him from accepting the hand of a seried to the Guildhall of Warwick (where the cond wife, by procuring from the king a deathJustices of the Peace were holding their gene- warrant for himself. Habington's words on ral sessions), and charged with having "ma- the subject of the charges exhibited against liciously and damnably" intended the death of him, are deserving of remark: "In his atIsabell, wife of George, Duke of Clarence, tainder, (says he) according to the forme, are whose servant she had been. Being called up- crimes enough to make his death have appaon to state the evidence of this intention, her rence of justice, the execution of which, the prosecutors swore that she had administered king seemed rather constraiued to, than to have unto the said Isabell, “ venymous drynke of sought." For my part, I cannot help enterale myxt with poyson, to poyson and siee the taining an idea, that the historians iniinical to seid Isabell, of which drynke the seid Isabell Richard III: might have purposely concealed sekenyd fro the 10th daye of Octobre, unto any charge on the score of the Duchess's the Sonday next before the fest of the Naty-death, in order to make the apparent iniquity vite of our Lorde then next following (A.D. 1478) which Sanday she then and thereof dyed." To these heinous charges Ankerette Twyniho pleaded not guilty. The jury, after having heard the regular process of trial, being about to consult together, were so intimidated by the menaces of the Duke and his party, who attended in the court, that they at once delivered a verdict of " guilty," whereupon the Justices pronounced sentence of death, and the wretched lady was dragged through the middle of the town of Warwick, to the gallows, on which she was without ceremony hanged. These particulars are collected from Is it possible to conclude this discussion, a petition which appears on the rolls of Par- without comparing the happier days in which liament, (17 Edward IV.); and that no Providence has cast our lot, as Englishmen? or doubt was entertained of the utter falsehood without acquiescing in the principle already of the charges is proved by the object of that stated, that the retributions of Providence, petition being granted, in consequence of could we accurately trace them, are more corwhich the record of the indictment, the pro-rectly proportioned to the guilt of individuals, cess, verdict, and judgment, and all things de- than can always be discerned by the public cye? pending upon the same were annulled, repealed, and made void.-We can make but one Habington's History of Edward IV. p. 188, inference from the barbarous proceedings of ↑ Ibid. page 192. the Duke of Clarence, yet it is a matter of of her husband's execution a matter of accu. sation against that monarch."-Maton's Observations on the Antiquities, &c. of Western Counties of England, Vol. II. p, 171. As Clarence appears to have acted the tyrant at Warwick, it seems a natural inference, that he retained the Warwick possessions in spite of the King and his brother; and if the Duke of Gloucester had patiently borne his privation from respect to the king, his behaviour is certainly entitled to its full effect, in relieving his character from those imputations with which it has been charged. N 3 ANECDOTE OF QUEEN ELIZABETH'S FONDNESS FOR DRESS. If we may judge by the pictures extant of Queen Elizabeth and her courtiers, later times have not seen more costly and splendid apparel, than was worn in her magnificent court. Profusion of ornament was studied ; and we know not whether jewels, velvets, sattins with rich decorations, and materials of dress, were not more abundant, or more public in that age, than since. The distresses of the civil wars certainly impoverished many noble families, and rendered them incapable of that superb appearance, of which those availed themselves who received valuable jewels of various kinds from their ancestors. We know that the crown jewels were alienated by Charles I. in his misfortunes; and though the female reign of Anne might be supposed favourable to personal splendour, yet customs were changed; the length of Anne's reign did not equal that of Elizabeth; and the mode of making court to the sovereign by presents, no longer prevailed. However, these things might be, certain it is, that Queen Elizabeth piqued herself on being the sovereign of her court as well in costly apparel, as in every other appendage to royalty. The following extracts may be taken in support of this assertion; they prove at the same time, that the strongest minds have their weak, their very weak, places. It appears that proper attention to this foible, was a direct way to the Queen's favour. The Harrington Papers, vol. 2, p. 230, inform us, that in order to recover some lands which had been forfeited to the crown, and whereon a law suit was depending, the representative of the family had hopes of favour from this disposition of the Queen. "Yet I will adventure (says the writer) to give her Majestic five hundred pounds in money, and some pretty jewel or garment as you shall advyse, onlie praying her Majestie to further my suite with some of her lernede counsel; which I pray you to find some proper time to move in this some hold as a dangerous adventure; but five and twentie manors well warrant my trying it." It is noted as a mark of the Queen's disturb ance of mind at the time of Essex's attempt against the government, that "it is an ill hour for seeing the Qacen, she is quite disfavoured and unattird, and these troubles waste her muche. She walks in her privy chamber, and stamps with her feet at ill news [from the city] and thrusts her rusty sword into the arras, in great rage. The dangers are over, and yet she always keeps a sword by her table. "I could not move in any suit to serve your neighbour B. such was the face of things, and so disordered is all order, that Her Highnesse hath worne but one change of raiment for many days, and swears much at those who cause her griefs in such wise, to the no small discomfiture of all about her; more especially, our sweete Lady Arundel, that Venus plus quam venusta." Vol. 2. p. 65. 66. I wyll tell a storie that fell oute when I was a boye. She did love rich clothynge, but often chid those that bought more finery than became their state. It happened that Ladie M, Howarde was possesede of a rich border powderd wyth golde and pearle, and a velvet suite belonginge thereto, which moved manie to envye; nor did it please the Queene, who thought it exceeded her owne. One daye the Queen did send privately, and got the Ladie's rich vesture, which she put on herself, and came forthe the chamber amonge the Ladies; the kirtle and border was far too shorte for her Majesties heighth; and she askede every one, how they likede her new fancied suit? At lengthe she askede the owner herself, if it was not made too short and ill-becoming? Which the poor Ladie did presentlie consente to. "Why then, if it become not me, as being too short, I am minded it shall never become thee, as being too fine; so it fitteth neither well." This sharp rebuke abashed the Ladie, and she never adorned her herewith any more. I believe the vestment was laid úll after up the Queenes death. Vol. 2. p. 140. Hume in his History of England, in the reign of Elizabeth, gives the following account of this Queen's fondness for magnificent apparel, Among other species of luxury, that of apparel began much to increase in this age; and the Queen thought proper to restrain it by proclamation. Her example was very little conformable to her edicts. As no woman was ever more conceited of her beauty, or more desirous of making impressions on the hearts 'of beholders, no one ever went to a greater extravagance in apparel, or studied more the va riety and richness of her dresses. She appeared almost every day in a different habit; and tried all the several modes by which she hoped to render herself agrecable. She was also sa fond of her clothes, that she never could part with any of them; and at her death, she had in her wardrobe all the different habits, to the number of 3,000, which she had ever worn in her life time." INQUIRY PROPOSED AS TO THE ANCIENT Having incidentally supposed in our last number, p. 11, that the Holy Land was the furthest distance to which voyages could be made from England at the time of the Crusades in the twelfth century, it has occurred to us to notice the extent of those made in the tenth century, by order of King Alfred, who possessed the art of navigation in as great excellence as any monarch of his time. to the foregoing, we subjoin, hints on a work which has lately appeared in Paris, entitled, "A Dissertation on the Origin of the Mariner's Compass," by M. Dom-Alb. Azuni, Judge of the Maritime Tribunal of Nice. 8vo. pp. 133. M. Azuni published in 1795 at Florence, a dissertation, in Italian, on the same subject: this he has enlarged, in consequence of new researches, and he now boldly. ascribes the first use of the mariner's compass to the French. The greater part of modern writers acknowledge Flavio Gioia, otherwise called Flavio, of Amalfi (a Neapolitan), as the inventor; and they fix the epoch of its use to the year 1302. Others think, that Marcus Paulus, the Venetian, who travelled The Saxon Chronicle relates that this King into China, brought this invention with him made a vow that he would send alms to the in 1260. And this supposition is confirmed disciples of St. Thomas, in the East-Indies: by the manner in which the compass was at and that he performed his vow, to the great first used, in Italy; which was exactly that admiration of his contemporaries who saw of the Chinese, who let it float at liberty in a the precious stones, perfumes, and other small bason of water wherein it is kept buoyvaluables, brought back by his ships from the ant by a little piece of cork. The Chinese, eastern climates. We cannot suppose, that also, divide their compass into 24 points; so the ships of Alfred sailed to the East-Indies: that they do not appear to have received it they might, however, visit Alexandria in from the Europeans, who divide their instruEgypt, or some port in the Levant, which ment into 32 points. The Chinese affirm furnished the curious products brought home that it was known to their Emperor Chinin by the agents of this prince. It should be regius, 1120 years ante A. D. M. Azuni does membered, that Alfred when a boy, had vinot forgot to quote the poem of Guyot de sited Rome, where, probably, he acquired Provence about A. D. 1200, which seems to much information concerning the East, and describe the compass under the term marinette, the state of the Christians there. Nor or mariner's stone; this is 100 years before could he be ignorant of the passage from the Flavio Gioia. He also thinks that Cardinal ocean into the Mediterranean; he was, there- Vitry, who lived about A. D. 1200, has fore, well able to instruct his mariners on the mentioned this instrument, under its then imnature and requisities of this voyage. A corperfect construction, in his History of the roboration of this fact, is, the voyage of Crusaders, and their voyages to the Holy Land. Abel, Patriarch of Jerusalem, into Britain, M. Azuni finds traces of the same invention to visit Alfred; which is positively affirmed in other authors, who refer it to 1244: but, by Asser, Bishop of Sherborne, who saw, Vincent de Beauvais, and Albert-le-Grand, and conversed with this Patriarch. It is cer- before 1240 fur ish him with additional testitain, that tradition preserved the memory of monies, of a still earlier date; so that, on these voyages ages after the Crusades, so that the whole, he gives the honour of this imthe Crusades had only to renew in 1100, the portant discovery to France; though he course of Alfred's vessels, 200 years before. thinks that it was improved and perfected by Only stout ships could have accomplished this others. We do not discover much weight in expedition. Ships equally well fitted out, the argument derived from the circumstance were required for that no less courageous un- of the fleur de lys, with which the compass dertaking of Alfred's marine, the attempt to is ornamented, being the arms of France: discover a north east passage to India. This since the question concerns the invention not was conducted by Octher, a Norwegian, who the embellishment: and, as Dr. Wallis has obcommunicated to Alfred an account of the served, the English name, compass, by which whale fishery, as practised very far north, by it is generally known, though the Italian his countrymen. Succeeding events in Eng-name bossola, prevails very much in the land obliterated all traces of Octher and his voyage, for 700 years; but in reality the navigators of Queen Elizabeth's days did but follow the track taken so long before by that great seaman. As we had in view only to prove the skill of those ages in ship building, we might here close this notice, but as a subject analagous east, and among the Arabs and Chinese, is a much stronger argument in favour of England. But, we would combine this inquiry with what we have hinted on the influence of the Cruasdes in forming the English navy. It is certain that English vessels in sailing to, or from, the Holy Land, would much more need the assistance of the |