antiquated are the pretensions urged by the King of Prussia. A nominal sovereignty, represented by the annual sum of £6000 which the king received from the Neuchatelois, had subsisted for many years to the mutual satisfaction of all parties concerned, until, in that abominable year 1848, the people followed the example of their neighbours (though with better success) and cast off a yoke which sat so easily that they were quite surprised when attention was drawn to the fact of their wearing it. However, they became republicans, and an integer of the Helvetic Confederation, de jure, as they had long been de facto. Things went on pleasantly enough for years; the king was satisfied, so were the people, but all at once it was discovered that he had been nursing his revenge. Of course, directly the insurrection broke out and was put down, it was decided that his Prussian majesty had taken part in it; but we believe his complicity was only proved by the fact that Count Pourtalès drank champagne the night before the emeute, and thus a material link was furnished as to his connexion with the Prussian king. What on earth he anticipated from his cavalier orders to the Helvetic Confederation, as to how they should treat the prisoners, is only known to himself; at any rate, he expressed the most fiery indignation, and the consequences appeared awful in the extreme. Reader, there appeared once in the classic pages of Punch, an interesting scene representing the insane attempts of an injured individual to obtain revenge on his foe. So convinced was he of his bloodthirsty designs that he shouted to his surrounding friends, "For Heaven's sake hold me tight, or I don't know what I shan't do to him!" Such, or in such wise, has been the conduct of the Prussian king through his whole embroglio with Switzerland.

We need not here enter into the question of the Prussian strength, as it is amply described in another portion of our magazine. The Prussian army is very formidable, indeed, on paper; but, it would take a serious amount of fighting ere that army could prove its value in the field. The conditions, however, which a war with Switzerland would

entail are so dangerous, that the King of Prussia would meditate seriously before embarrassing his army in the natural fastnesses of Switzerland. He cannot surely be desirous of dethroning Albert Smith, although we do not see any more feasible design which he is emulous of accomplishing. But, in sober sadness, we are ashamed of the all-absorbing interest which has been attached to the Prusso-Swiss occupation; it was self-evident that no result could accrue, for the interests involved are so menacing to Europe, that the other Powers would be compelled to interfere, before the ultima ratio regum was resorted to. It is very easy for journalists, desirous of creating a sensation, to portion out Switzerland to the first comers, and arrange how Austria should take her share in Tessin, while France quietly invaded Geneva; but the days of Polish partitions are, we sincerely trust, past. We have too much faith in Louis Napoleon to believe that he would ever realize the fable of the warmed viper, and the conduct he is pursuing is worthy of the man" with the mission." The "winged words" which have been shed to prove the ingratititude of the nephew of his uncle are so much labour lost; Napoleon the Third knows too well what he has at stake, ever to attempt to barter the affection of the French nation for the doubtful friendship of the Prussians. The old subsisting enmity between England and France is dying out, and its place has been taken by a never-dying enmity between the French and the Prussian nation. The conduct of Blucher in Paris will never be forgotten so long as the Pont de Jena exists, and the occupation of Prussia by French troops has left ineffaceable marks behind it. Even so late as 1849, we were witness of the feeling existing between the two nations. Prussians were stationed at Kehl during the Badois revolution, but had speedily to be removed, owing to the insane desire evinced by the French not to follow the advice of Bombastes, and separate without "kicking up a row.” So strong was the feeling that, after three days, the Prussians had to be moved, and their place taken by Mecklenburg troops.

That Switzerland has been an eyesore

to European despots for many years, we have not the least doubt; but for all that, we cannot consent to gratify their revenge at the expense of the only real representative of true constitutionality on the Continent. The existence of Switzerland is a harsh necessity, and will have to be kept up, even if Austria growl, and complain of a hotbed of insurrection being maintained close to her Lombardo-Venetian frontier. Mazzini may or may not be in Berne-it is, in truth, of the very slightest conse. quence either way-but even such a tremendous fact is not tantamount to a declaration of war. The Swiss are perfectly contented with their own institutions, and have no wish to force them on other nations; but, conscious in their strength, they emulate happy England, and offer a home to every political exile who leaves his country for his country's (or its government's) good. But we doubt whether the Austrians can convert such clemency into a casus belli, and we should not recommend them to try the experiment, for in that case Switzerland might be induced to play at the game of retaliation, and with Sardinia open, the consequences might be alarming in the extreme.

Having thus passed in review those continental topics to which we should like to see the attention of our august representatives directed, we might close our paper, had we not a national grievance still to allude to. We are sadly afraid that our dissertation will not find favor with Smith O'Brien, and that it may lead to another Cahermoyle letter of portentous dimensions. Mr. Smith O'Brien is evidently an intense admirer of everything in which he himself bears an exclusive part; for, as he justly says, among the other gems which glitter in his letter, "If a disgraceful act be perpetrated by an Irishman, his country bears all the opprobrium of the deed." Fortunately for Ireland, Mr. O'Brien's escapade was not of this nature, for all the disgrace attaches to himself; the beginning and the end were worthy of each other. After a punishment which may be regarded as extreme or too merciful, according to the temperament of the arbiter, Mr. Smith O'Brien has been allowed to return to his country, and his first step is to enlighten his fel

low-citizens on the worn-out topic of injustice to the sons of Erin. At the outset of his interminable discourse, he demands-Europe awaiting, of course, impatiently for the replyWhat has Ireland gained by the late war? Ireland for the Irish is an effete cry-and fortunately, we know what Ireland has gained. She has proved that her sons spurn factious agitation-when Britain calls on us for our hearty assistance, we are ready to give it. Let Mr. Smith O'Brien inquire of the most bigoted Anglo-Saxon officer engaged in the Crimea, and he will be proud to reply that the Irish have gained intensely, by reacquiring the confidence and esteem of their English brethren. For a while it was supposed that factious intrigues had in some measure weakened the allegiance of the Irish to their Queen; but, thank God, we proved at Alma and at Inkerman that we were true to ourselves, and that we gladly merged all party questions in the one absorbing point of our national supremacy. Mr. Smith O'Brien proceeds to say that, "not to Ireland belong the glory and the fruit of her sacrifices." The sacrifice she has made is that of faction for nationality, and nobly did she respond to the cry made for her assistance. The Irish regiments were ever ready to the call, and were regarded as the mainstay of our strength in the Crimea. It may suit Mr. Smith O'Brien's purposes to try and raise ill-blood once again between the brothers of Ireland and England, whose consanguinity has been baptized on the battle field; but his exertions will be fruitless so long as British troops march to the attack of a common foe, to the same inspiriting cry. So much Ireland has gained by the war, that it has converted a sullen foe, (whose feelings of ill-will were fostered by the repeated diatribes of the Young Ireland party) into a generous friend ; and the Anglo-Celtic alliance, consecrated amid the perils and sufferings of the battle field, will never cease to bear a grateful crop of amity and good will, so long as soldiers are left to remember the common dangers they incurred, and the common assistance afforded them in the hour of despondency and sickness by the ministering hands of Florence Nightingale and her brave band.

For nearly seven centuries there has not been any part of this island regarded with more interest by the inhabitants of Ireland than the seat

of English rule in the metropolis, commonly known as the "Castle of Dublin." In past ages this fortress was relied on by the settlers as their main stronghold of defence against the hostile natives, who exhibited their recognition of its importance by making its attempted seizure the primary movement in their efforts to shake off the British yoke.

From its position and the character of its occupants, the chronicles of the Castle of Dublin constitute an important part of Irish history; and the object of our present papers is to endeavour to redeem from obscurity not merely the vicissitudes of the building itself, but also the story of the personages who, from their connexion with it in past ages, formed the most prominent characters in the annals of the country.

The early history of Dublin, the metropolis of Ireland, and chief city of the ancient kingdom of Leinster, is involved in much obscurity. The Bardic accounts state that Leinster VOL. XLIX.-NO. CCXCI.

was originally styled Galian, a name said to have been changed into Laighean, from the laighne, or broadheaded spears borne by the soldiers of Labhradh Loingseach, who usurped the crown of Erin in the year of the world, 4,659. Leinster, which did not originally include Meath, is still called Laighean by the Gaelicspeaking natives; and its present English name appears to have been formed by the Norman addition of terre or land, to its Irish titlewhence Laighinsterre or Leynisterre, as written in ancient records.

The most ancient seat of the Leinster monarchs was on the bank of the western side of the river Barrow, between Carlow and Leighlin, at Dinn Righ-the Hill of the Kings-deserted after the introduction of Christianity, and of which the only vestige now existing is a moat in the townland of Ballycnocan, about a quarter of a mile to the south of Leighlin-bridge.

Naas, or Nas, another residence of the Leinster kings-abandoned after the death of King Carroll, in 904— appears to have been a fortress of much importance, being frequently

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