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there should be a place like Devonport, | vented from doing so, and that, too, on where, according to his hon. and learned the premises. A grocer was placed in a Friend's (Mr. M. Chambers') statement, different position with regard to the the public drank nothing. They had taking out of a licence to a licensed no public-houses, no beer-in fact, he victualler, and that point was one which might say, "no nothing." Certainly would require more consideration in that must be a place in which it was not Committee. There was another objecdesirable for anybody to live. But his tion to the Bill. For the first time an hon. and learned Friend goes to Devon- ordinary policeman would have power port-[Mr. M. CHAMBERS: What I said given to him to interfere in a publican's was, that publicans had no political in- business which he should never be enfluence.] His hon. and learned Friend trusted with; but that, too, might be said that publicans had no influence provided against in Committee. In conthere. He (Mr. Locke) did not suppose clusion, he begged to express a hope that trading publicans had greater in- that they would get rid entirely of this fluence there than other people; but question, which had caused so much there must be a good many of them in uneasiness and given so much offence to Devonport, and he presumed their votes a very large and most respectable body were as good as anybody else's, and if of men such as the licensed victuallers. they gave a man a vote so much the better for the person who got it. There were points in the Bill which he thought must be remedied, and he had given Notice to bring the question before the House in Committee. He thought some of the clauses in the Bill were rather harsh. One of them was particularly so. It was said that where any offence had been committed in a public-house, the publican was to be taken before a magistrate, and the magistrate was to convict him, and whatever the offence might be it was to be endorsed on the license. There were a great many offences in the category. very slight offences indeed. Supposing a game at cards were played, and the publican could not prevent it, yet it might be recorded on his license. He therefore thought that the magistrate ought to have some discretion in the matter given to him, or that provision ought to be altogether expunged from the Bill. He thought the hours which public-houses were allowed to be open as provided in the Bill were not sufficient. At night there were a number of persons for whom it was positively necessary that public-houses should be open. Therefore to lay down one strict rule was altogether out of the question. He was certainly anxious that this point in the Bill should undergo revision. For his own part, he did not think that the hours that they had at present were too long. A good deal had been said in the course of the debate about licensed victuallers and grocers. Now, it must be remembered that the great bulk of the grocers sold liquors at a time when the publicans were pre

MR. D. DALRYMPLE, though unable to agree with his hon. and learned Friend that this Bill was overladen with honey, was glad to see it introduced. He hoped, however, that the hours for closing public-houses would be rendered uniform. So far from his hon. and learned Friend (Mr. M. Chambers) having proved the necessity of keeping public-houses open in London to a very late hour, he thought he had proved the extreme desirability of closing places of amusement and public-houses at an earlier hour. He thought it would be an improvement if theatres and publichouses were closed at 11 instead of 12. It would be very difficult for him to answer the question why public-houses in Leeds and Bristol should be closed at 11 when public-houses in London were allowed to be open till 12. He entirely agreed with what the hon. and learned Member for Southwark (Mr. Locke) had said with regard to grocers' licenses. The practice of selling intoxicating liquors in grocers' shops was increasing in this country, and if the House was going to put a heavy hand upon licensed victuallers he thought a heavier hand ought to be put upon grocers, and that steps should be taken to ascertain what was going on in grocers' shops. These matters he hoped would be discussed in Committee.

MR. DODSON congratulated the Home Secretary upon having introduced a "smooth-going" Bill, as his hon. and learned Friend behind him (Mr. M. Chambers) had described it. Hitherto this question had been discussed with an earnestness and a zeal which were

usually reserved for theological questions. The House was now discussing a Bill which introduced no new theory and no new principle. There seemed to be no dispute as to the desirableness of amending the law of licenses. There was no dispute as to whether this was the proper time to make that change, and there seemed to be no dispute on the question whether this was a reasonable Bill. Therefore, in his opinion, there was an unwarrantable consumption of the national gas in prolonging this discussion. This Bill consisted of details, constituting a series of Amendments, in a most complicated code of laws, involving minute regulations, and he thought the House could make no progress until they went into Committee.

MR. HENLEY said, it was not to be wondered at, considering the agitation that had gone on on both sides of the question, that the Government should endeavour to do something; but he never saw a Bill which showed so much that they wanted to do something, but were utterly unable to know what to do. There was a great deal to be said in . Committee on many of the penalties proposed to be imposed. He doubted whether they had been adjusted on any sound rule. It was impossible not to see that things important and things most trifling were treated in the same way. A grave offence should carry penal consequences; but there were other offences which should receive very different treatment. One thing they would have to do would be to define more accurately what they meant by a man who had been drunk. That was a very wide question. He remembered taking part in an inquiry 40 years ago as to the conduct of a body of men, some of whom were decorated with the Peninsular medals, and the only point on which the witnesses agreed was that a man could not be drunk if he could stand or speak. Liverpool and Manchester, with their large population, were to have a committee of nine magistrates, while in counties like his own (Oxford) with a much smaller population, the committee would number 12. The quorum was to be three, and there being no business more disagreeable than licensing, he feared that it would be left to three persons, just as in Select Committees upstairs the quorum was frequently the Mr. Dodson

limit of attendance. In counties there might be either a general committee or a committee for each district. The former plan would, probably, be thought most convenient, and in his county containing 11 licensing districts, the committee would probably consist of one magistrate from each together with the Chairman of Quarter Sessions. Now such a committee would have little local knowledge, and would be guided by the opinion of the local member; whereas at present five or six magistrates usually transacted the business of the districtmen conversant with the wants of the locality and with the character of applicants and memorialists. In boroughs having 15 qualified magistrates, a licensing committee was to be appointed, and it was provided that the action of qualified justices should not be invalid; but he saw no provision made for the contingency of a committee being appointed under an erroneous impression that there were 15 qualified magistrates. He objected also to multiplying the documents which justices' clerks were required to keep, thus tending to make petty sessions courts of record. The hon. Baronet below him (Sir Henry Selwin-Ibbetson) had touched upon a point which demanded great consideration - namely, adulteration. As this Bill had been drawn, by perhaps the accidental use of the word " may "instead of " shall," it would not be necessary for the policeman who was taking away samples of liquors to inform the publican from whose house he was taking them that they were wanted for the purpose of analyzation. Now, such a proceeding could not be satisfactory to any party. It was true the samples must be sealed up if the publican required it; but the samples might be taken behind his back and without his knowing what was going to be done with them. All these points, he thought, required the gravest consideration. The Schedules included seven or eight Acts of Parliament, adopting the clauses of some, and omitting others. When, therefore, the Bill came into operation it would be rather cumbrous. He should like to see a bonfire made of the numerous statues on this subject, and hoped that in quieter times the Government would find an opportunity of consolidating the law. This would do some good; whereas this Bill was likely to give a good deal of trouble, and the

Home Secretary had certainly had more | system. He had a great desire that this

than his share of trouble in bringing it forward.

MR. ALDERMAN W. LAWRENCE congratulated the Home Secretary on the reception the Bill had met with from both sides of the House, it being supported by the hon. Baronets the Members for West Essex (Sir Henry SelwinIbbetson) and Carlisle (Sir Wilfrid Lawson). The hours of opening and closing would require consideration, and he objected to the adoption of the term, not before used in Acts of Parliament, of "intoxicating liquors." A gentleman who took a glass of wine did not take a glass of intoxicating liquor, though if he took too many glasses he found it intoxicating. Intoxicating meant not only drunk-making but poisonous, and was a term of reproach more fitly used by the supporters of the Permissive Bill, just as the Peace Society might call a Gun Bill "a Bill for the Licensing of Murderous Weapons." He hoped that the right hon. Gentleman would alter the title of the Bill.

question should be settled. If it were left unsettled, it would give rise to a great deal of ill-feeling in all parts of the country, and there would be always a number of fanatics led by an honest man like the hon. Member for Carlisle (Sir Wilfrid Lawson) who would be agitating on the question.

MR. PIM trusted that the words " or Ireland" would be omitted in the 2nd clause.

MR. BATES denied a statement that at the last election for Plymouth the contest had been between the Permissive men and the publicans. Such a statement was contrary to the fact. If there was a fight it was whether Plymouth should be represented or misrepresented in this House. The Permissive men were nearly all Dissenters and Liberals, and he had declared himself a Conservative and a Churchman.

MR. BRUCE, in reply, said, the hon. Baronet the Member for West Essex (Sir Henry Selwin-Ibbetson) had complained that the Bill was not comprehensive enough, and suggested various modes for enlarging its scope. The Government had dealt with that portion of the subject which they thought most pressing, leaving the question of the consolidation of the Acts to be dealt with at a more convenient season. The details of the Bill which had been criticized by the hon. Baronet would receive his attention. The hon. Members for Carlisle (Sir Wilfrid Lawson) and Fife (Sir Robert Anstruther) appeared by their remarks to have forgotten that the changes proposed related not to the renewal of old, but to the granting of new licenses. The hon. and learned Member opposite had objected to the Bill on the ground that it contained no provision for limiting the number of public-houses; but the Bill was drawn on the principle that as long as publichouses were well managed, it was not the duty of Parliament to reduce the number of those establishments. The duty of the Government was to maintain order and not to restrict the sup

MR. COLLINS congratulated the House upon the Conservative reaction which had set in. After having confiscated the property of the Irish Church and the Irish landowners, the Government had brought in a Bill to confiscate the property of the English publicans. The English people, however willing they might have been to tolerate confiscation of property in Ireland as being an exceptional country, were not willing to see it carried out in England, and, consequently, the Government Bill of last Session had no chance of passing. The Government having learnt wisdom by experience, and having found that the present Parliament was likely to become Conservative before it died a natural death, had thrown over their former Bill, and had introduced the present measure, which he believed to be, upon the whole, a very good one, and one which was likely to pass. As to the question of the hours for closing publichouses, he thought it might be safely left to the discretion of the magistrates, because no two towns or villages were pre-ply of liquor to the public. Every cisely the same as to their circumstances, and "a hard-and-fast-line, as proposed in the Bill, would not work well. This Bill would be much sounder if the hours during which public-houses ought to be closed were framed upon a more elastic

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measure which was framed for the purpose of limiting the number of publichouses must have the effect of establishing a monopoly with its attendant evils.

MR. GATHORNE HARDY rose to Order. As no Amendment had been

moved, the right hon. Gentleman was | or Roman Catholics might object; or it not justified in entering into questions might be a Roman Catholic school, in which might be much better discussed which case Protestants would object. in Committee. The right hon. Gentle- And yet the clause was compulsory in man ought not to avail himself, in a case its character. of this kind, of a privilege which would be denied to a private Member. Motion agreed to.

MR. BRUCE said, that not desiring unnecessarily to raise a debate on the religious difficulty, he would withdraw the sub-section; but should insist on the Bill read a second time and committed omission of the words he had proposed for Tuesday next. should be struck out.

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"Attend a school which the Lords of the Committee of the Privy Council on Education have recognized as giving efficient elementary education to the children of the district, or, if there be no school in the district which has been so recognized or no school so recognized in which there is room, then any elementary school in the district," and insert, as a fresh sub-section

"Where in England or Scotland there is within two miles, measured according to the nearest road, from the residence of such boy, or the mine in which he works, a school which is for the time being in receipt of a Grant out of moneys provided by Parliament, or which is for the time being recognized by the Committee of the Privy Council on Education as giving efficient elementary education, and which the boy can attend, such school, unless the teacher is disqualified under this Act, shall alone be deemed to be a

school for the purposes and within the meaning

of this Act."

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"The following regulations shall apply to every boy of 10 and under 12 years of age employed below ground in any mine to which this Act applies."-(Mr. F. S. Powell.)

Clause 11 (Employment of women, young persons, and children above ground about mines).

MR. BROWN moved an Amendment in the clause to prevent the employment of girls under 16 on the pitbanks, where they were at present employed in company with married men. The practice had decreased somewhat in Northumberland and Durham, but was in full force in other districts, especially Staffordshire and Dorsetshire. As the Bill would still allow women above 16 to be employed, the proposal must be regarded as moderate, and there was no question it would produce valuable results.

Amendment proposed,

In page 5, line 11, after the word "effect," and before sub-section 1, to insert the words "No female child or female young person shall be so employed.”—(Mr. Alexander Brown.)

MR. RODEN said, that this question had been already fully discussed and disposed of, and it was taking up the MR. STAPLETON did not oppose the time of the House needlessly to discuss omission of the words; but if the sub-it again. A Committee, and also the section which it was proposed to substi- Inspectors, had expressed their opinion tute were pressed, he must challenge against any interference with this kind the judgment of the House upon it. of labour. The persons who were themHe objected to it on the ground that it selves in this work were of a similar might involve compulsory attendance at opinion. It was desirable, instead of a school to which the parents objected on limiting, that they should increase, if the ground of religion. It might be a possible, the employments open to Church school, in which case Dissenters women. Mr. Gathorne Hardy

MR. CANDLISH reminded the hon. | and girls had to work in factories, and Member that the Amendment did not there was nothing more demoralizing in refer to the employment of women, but work outside a pit than in work in other only to the employment of females be- places. tween the ages of 10 and 16, whom it was the duty of the Legislature to protect in every way possible. He trusted that the Government would accept the Amendment.

MR. FLETCHER opposed the Amendment, on the ground that it was vague. The employment of women on the pit's bank was fully discussed in Committee, and he was sorry the question had been again referred to in that House. In his part of the country the work was not considered degrading, because they were only employed in picking out the refuse coal before it was sent to market.

MR. BRUCE said, there were two cases in which women were not allowed to be employed-underground and by night; but the present occupation fell within neither of these categories, and the Amendment would introduce a dangerous principle. It would exclude from this kind of work girls between 10 and 16; but why should they be excluded from this work and not from any other? MR. MUNDELLA said, that under the Act of last Session girls under 16 were prohibited from working in brickfields. [Mr. BRUCE: Because they carried heavy weights.] This clause would not interfere with the work of women; but it would be a great hardship if they did not exclude in this case females under 16 years of age.

MR. PEASE said, they were discussing a question that had no practical bearing, and it would be better not to legislate upon it. He had a dislike to see women working at the pit's mouth, and it was rarely done. It would be far better to leave the matter to be settled by public opinion rather than by legislation.

MR. RICHARD said, a strong resolution was passed by the conference of working miners at Manchester disapproving the employment of women even on the pit-bank; and though the House might not think it well to go so far, they might certainly forbid young girls to work there.

MR. MUNTZ sympathized with the philanthropy of his hon. Friends, and wished that both girls and women should not be employed in this way. But it was a question of bread and cheese. Women

MR. F. S. POWELL said, there was a great distinction between the work in the brickfield and that about pit-banks. The evidence given before the Committee went to show the demoralizing condition of the girls in the brickfields; but the tendency of the evidence with regard to the females employed at the pit-bank was of an opposite tendency. There were also many girls who were unable to bear the confinement of the factory, but who found employment at the pit-bank a healthy occupation.

Question put, "That those words be there inserted."

The House divided :-Ayes 63; Noes 118: Majority 55.

Clause 14 (Penalty for employment of persons contrary to Act).

MR. BRUCE moved, in page 6, line 29, after "Act," to insert

"And in case of any such contravention or noncompliance by any person whomsoever in the case of any mine, the owner, agent, and manager of the mine shall each be guilty of an offence against this Act, provided that the owner or agent of the mine taken all reasonable means by publication and enforcement of the provisions of this Act to prevent such contravention or non-compliance."

shall not be deemed guilty if he prove that he had

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