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supporting a Bill in which no provision | learned Friend (Lord Colonsay). But was made for religious teaching. Those how was it given? It was given, first denunciations were entirely unjustifiable, of all, by the terms of a Preamble, because there was no man who had sup- which went much further than anything ported the Bill who was not anxious to now suggested; for under the earlier maintain the use and wont of Scotland Acts of the Scottish Parliament no one -namely, that religion should form part was allowed to teach in any college, of the education in the schools-and school, or private house in Scotland who there was no man to whom he had did not belong to the Established Church, spoken on the subject who would not whichever that happened to be at the reject the Bill if he thought that reli- time. In those days legislators did not gious education would be excluded under understand the doctrine of toleration; its provisions. The mode, however, in and whichever Church had the upper which the noble Duke (the Duke of hand-whether Presbyterians or EpiscoRichmond) proposed to recognize this re- palians-they would not allow anyone to ligious teaching was much the same as teach in schools, colleges, or private if in a Mutiny Bill he were to insert a houses who had not the sanction of the declaration recognizing the bravery of Presbyteries or of the Bishops, as the the British Army. It started, too, with case might be. Only in that sense was a proposition which was incorrect; for religious teaching sanctioned by legislahe (the Earl of Dalhousie) utterly denied tion. He argued that the same printhat legislation had ever given the ciple should apply now. In his judgsmallest sanction to the teaching of re- ment, we ought to trust for religious ligion in the parish schools of Scotland. teaching in the confidence we reposed in He would challenge his noble and the management of the schools by the learned Friend opposite (Lord Colonsay) local authorities; and he believed relito put his hand upon a single clause, gious teaching would be continued in in any Act of Parliament from the reign Scotland by the local boards just as of James IV. to the present time, in much as if the matter were left in the which it was enacted that religion in any hands of Presbyteries or Bishops. The shape should be taught in any school in Legislature formerly defined no religious Scotland. If the noble Duke would con- instruction and indicated no religious sent to strike out the words "sanctioned books whatever, but simply trusted in by legislation," there could, he thought, the managing Bodies of the schools, be no objection to the Amendment. which at that time were always closely connected with the Church of the country. This state of things had, however, passed away. We had to deal with another state of things, and he would appeal to the friends of religious education in Scotland to accept the same security as had satisfied the friends of religious education in this country. To the second part of the Amendment he strongly objected, because it stated this was a Bill to afford means for continuing religious instruction to all children whose parents did not object to it on conscientious grounds. This was an inaccuracy, for the Bill afforded no means for religious instruction. There was nothing in the Bill to prevent a school board from setting up a secular school, and noble Lords opposite had not moved an Amendment to prevent their doing so. Therefore the words of the present Amendment were not strictly accurate, and the Preamble, if amended as proposed, would be simply a red rag held out to a bull. What use could there be in inserting

LORD COLONSAY was understood to say, that although the Scottish Parliament had never adopted any measure containing any express enactment on the subject, the importance of religious teaching in the schools had been frequently recognized by the Legislature.

After a few words from Lord LYTTELTON,

THE DUKE OF ARGYLL said, there was one point in which he thought his noble Friend opposite (the Duke of Richmond) would agree with him-namely, that in regard to all questions dealing with religion we ought to act with perfect sincerity both to ourselves and to others. Now, his complaint against the proposed Amendment to the Preamble was that it was not entirely sincere. Without entering into the question as to whether or not previous legislation had directly sanctioned religious teaching in Scotland, there could be no doubt that legislative sanction had been given to it in the indirect sense referred to by his noble and

words which would be practically useless, and which were clearly inaccurate?

rate, most strongly objected. They wished to afford means. They desired to declare that those means were afforded,

make use of them, subject to the Conscience Clause. He hoped, therefore, Parliament would make their intention clear by adopting this Amendment.

LORD CAIRNS said, he was sorry to hear the noble Duke compare the recog-provided that local boards desired to nition of religious teaching to the holding out of a red rag to a bull. If there was any insincerity-which he denied in the Amendment proposed to the Preamble, there was insincerity in every word of the noble Duke's speech on the second reading-because the burden of that speech was that means were afforded by the Bill for continuing religious instruction in Scotland according to "use and wont."

THE DUKE OF ARGYLL said, he had stated that no obstruction would be thrown in the way of giving religious instruction.

LORD CAIRNS said, he put a plainer and simpler construction on the words, and maintained that when, in enlarging our system of education, we threw no obstruction in the way of continuing the useful work which had hitherto prevailed, it was correct to say that we afforded means for continuing that work. He contended that every word of the Amendment to the Preamble was strictly accurate; and, moreover, he affirmed that legislation had sanctioned religious teaching in Scotland. The statute of 1657 had in its Preamble the words"Inasmuch as by all laws and constitutions it is provided that a youth be brought up in the fear of God and good manners. Was not that legislative sanction? The noble Duke opposite might call it indirect sanction; but it was direct sanction, clearly enough. The whole burden of that Act, its very foundation, was that there ought to be religious education in schools. Then the Act of 1861 also provided that the schoolmaster should make a declaration that he had conformed his teaching to certain formularies, not only of the Holy Scriptures, but would conform to the formularies admitted by the Kirk of Scotland. He was therefore amused to hear the noble Earl opposite (the Earl of Dalhousie) say that by no statute had the Legislature of Scotland sanctioned religious teaching. The words "afford means" in the Amendment left the matter of religious teaching open to all. There were many legislators who wanted to shut the door altogether against religious teaching. To that noble Lords on his side of the House, at any

The Duke of Argyll

THE LORD CHANCELLOR said, he thought the interpretation their Lordships had just heard was a very farfetched one, for the purpose of introducing the words "afford means" into the Preamble. The funds which would be raised by this Bill would be applied to the general purposes of education in schools, and there would be no obstruction to the imparting of religious instruction in schools. Therefore, tde Bill coulh not be fairly described as a Bill which would prohibit the imparting of religious instruction in schools, and he, for one, should be extremely sorry to vote for the Amendment.

THE DUKE OF ARGYLL said, that the Act of 1861 was the first statute that wholly dissevered the State from all connection with religious teaching. Before then every schoolmaster had to sign a confession of faith that he was a member of the Established Church, and the Act of 1861 liberated them from the necessity of so doing; and now any person, no matter what his religion was, if otherwise qualified, might be elected a schoolmaster, but with the proviso that he was not to attack the Bible or Shorter Catechism. He admitted that the words as read by his noble Friend opposite would appear to bear the construction he had put upon them; but this did not apply to doctrine, but to the declaration the schoolmaster made.

VISCOUNT STRATFORD DE REDCLIFFE supported some declaration of religious teaching, which, in his opinion, should lie at the bottom of all education, and with that feeling he should support the Amendment of the noble Duke. It was of the utmost importance that Parliament should make such a declaration as that proposed

THE EARL OF DALHOUSIE said, if a parochial teacher were at this moment to decline the use of the Bible, or to teach the Shorter Catechism in his school, there was no Act of Parliament under which he could be punished.

On Question, whether to insert? Their | a day when the general subject may be

Lordships divided:-Contents 53; Not-
Contents 32: Majority 21.
Resolved in the Affirmative.
Words inserted accordingly.
Preamble, as amended, agreed to.

The Report of the Amendments to be received on Tuesday next, and Bill to be printed, as amended. (No. 210.)

House adjourned at Twelve o'clock to
Monday next, Eleven o'clock.

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Friday, 12th July, 1872.
MINUTES.]-SUPPLY-considered in Committee
- Committee R.P.
PUBLIC BILLS Second Reading - Consolidated
Fund (£8,000,000)*.

discussed; but with due consideration, however, to the general convenience, we cannot fix that day until the House has gone into Committee on the Public Health Bill and the Licensing Bill. ["Oh, oh!" and Laughter.] If any hon. through two or three things at once, Gentlemen opposite are able to get they may be able to meet the general convenience of the House a great deal better than I can pretend to meet it; but as I lie under the unfortunate limitation of being able to do no more than one thing at once, I must, with great respect for my hon. Friends who laugh, try to arrange Public Business for the general convenience upon that footing. The whole evidence, moreover, in the Galway Election Case has not yet been delivered, but I believe it will be delivered to-morrow. We shall then consider whether it will be desirable in the public interest that we should submit a Motion of our own upon the sub

Committee-Public Health (re-comm.) [215], de-ject; and, if not, we will take care that bate adjourned; Pawnbrokers (re-comm.) [233] R.P.

Committee-Report — Bastardy Laws Amendment [109].

[205-247];

Report Wild Birds Protection
Railway Rolling Stock (Distraint) * [116.248].
Considered as amended-Metropolitan Tramways
Provisional Orders Suspension * [219].
Withdrawn-Salmon Fisheries (No.2) (re-comm.)
[178].

The House met at Two of the clock.

a day is provided when other hon. Gentlemen will have an opportunity of inviting the attention of the House to the subject.

MR. MITCHELL HENRY asked when the Government would be likely to the Irish Members would be necesto come to a conclusion? Some notice sary, as the majority of them were absent in Ireland.

MR. GLADSTONE said, of course, it was necessary to consider the Irish PETITION-JUDGMENT OF MR. JUSTICE cussion might take place on Thursday Members. He hoped, however, the dis

IRELAND-GALWAY ELECTION

KEOGH-QUESTION.

MR. MITCHELL HENRY (for Mr. BUTT) asked the First Lord of the Treasury, Whether he will give precedence to his Motion relative to Mr. Justice Keogh on Monday the 22nd instant, or on any other early day?

MR. GLADSTONE: Sir, I must distinguish between what relates to the Motion of the hon. and learned Member (Mr. Butt) and the general subject. I cannot undertake to give precedence to the Motion of the hon. and learned Member over other Motions of which Notice has been or may be given by other Members. I must leave them to fair and free competition among themselves. But I may repeat what I have already stated to the House. We shall be prepared at a proper time to name

week.

IRELAND-THREATENING LETTERS.

QUESTION.

SIR THOMAS BATESON asked the First Lord of the Treasury, Whether he is aware that Sir Arthur Guinness has been threatened with death unless he sends an apology to the Freeman's Journal, for venturing to correct the editor of that newspaper on a matter where he had been in error relative to the Dublin Exhibition, with a further demand for a handsome subscription to Captain Nolan's Fund, or the consequences? The Question was based upon the following letter which had appeared in The Times :

MR. BAXTER said, that circumstances had come to his knowledge which rendered it desirable to reconsider the de

"Guinness,-We are ordered to inform you that an Orange whelp like you insulted our clergy's and peoples newspaper last week, as if any one cared about you or the infernal Exhibition, and unless you send a appology to Free-cision arrived at relative to the diminuman's Journal, and likewise give a hanson sub- tion of the superannuation allowances scription to Capton Nolan's fund before a week, referred to in the Question of the hon. your life is not worthe a month's purchase, for we Member for Roscommon. will send you a bullet, as well as that scoundrel Keogh, as we have a person hired to shoot you and him and no mistake, so take warnin in time."

He asked the right hon. Gentleman to look at a photograph publicly sold in the streets of Castlebar, and representing

the effigy of Mr. Justice Keogh.

ARMY-TROOP SERJEANTS OF YEOMANRY AS MUSKETRY INSTRUCTORS. QUESTION.

tary of State for War, If Troop Serjeants of Yeomanry who hold the Hythe certificate as Serjeant Instructors of Musketry are entitled to twopence a-day additional pay, which is allowed to Serjeants in the Rifle Volunteers under similar circumstances?

MR. A. EGERTON asked the Secre

MR. GLADSTONE: Sir, I have complied with the request of my hon. Friend to look at the photograph. We have no official report of the threatening letter addressed to Sir Arthur Guinness; but if the letter is made known to the Irish MR. CARDWELL: In 1870, the Government it will become the subject of inquiry in due course, as is the case in Westley-Richards carbine was given to Ireland with reference to threatening the Yeomanry, and the adjutants and letters generally, which are unfortunately one serjeant of each regiment were sent rather characteristic of the mode of to Hythe; and since that time all the recarrying on Public Business in that country. Meanwhile, I may express my sense-and it is rather a strong - of the imprudence of making these threatening letters the subject of distinct notice here. I know that my hon. Friend's object is an excellent

sense

one.

It is that public indignation may be drawn towards the authors of these letters, and that the ministers of the law and the Executive Government may be stimulated, if they require it, to diligence in discovering them. But it appears to me that any good done in this way is more than counterbalanced by the evil caused by the notoriety given to these unworthy productions, which is more than anything calculated to flatter those who write them and encourage those persons to write more. I am sorry they should be honoured with the notice given to them on this occasion.

IRELAND-SUPERANNUATION ALLOW.
ANCES-VALUATION DEPARTMENT.

QUESTION.

THE O'CONOR DON asked the Secretary to the Treasury, Whether he is willing to reconsider the decision he arrived at relative to the diminution of the superannuation allowances to be made to certain officers removed from the Valuation Department of Ireland in October 1870 ?

Sir Thomas Bateson

giments which had access to ranges have gone to the targets, but no addition has been made to the pay of the serjeants. All these questions, however, will come under review in considering the new ar

rangements.

ASHTON-UNDER-LYNE-CONDUCT OF

THE POLICE.-QUESTION.

MR. MELLOR asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department, Whether his attention has been called to proceedings against a publican, the landlord of the "White Bear" Inn, at Ashton under Lyne, where two police officers in plain clothes entered the said public house on Sunday the 16th of June last; and, if so, whether he considers the proceedings on that occasion justifiable; and, if not, whether he will take the steps necessary to ascertain at whose instance, by whose orders or directions, and at whose cost such proceedings were instituted and carried on ?

MR. BRUCE said, he had heard nothing of any proceedings of the police against a publican at Ashton, and it was impossible for him to say whether the police had acted illegally on that occasion; but he would suggest that if they had acted improperly, complaint should be made to the chief constable and justices at Ashton. The Secretary of State had no authority whatever over the local police.

METROPOLITAN BOARD OF WORKS

BUILDINGS ON THE THAMES EMBANK. MENT.-QUESTION.

DR. BREWER (for Mr. BAILLIE COCHRANE) asked the First Commissioner of Works, Whether the Government will interfere to prevent the erection of any building on the plot of ground adjoining the Metropolitan Station as may be injurious to the beauty of the Embankment and destroy the view of the Houses of Parliament ?

MR. COLLINS: Before the right hon. Gentleman answers the Question, I should like to ask him whether the Government has any power to interfere with property that does not belong to them?

MR. AYRTON: Perhaps, Sir, the House will allow me to explain what has really taken place in reference to this piece of land, as to which there seems to be some misapprehension, in consequence of the answer the other day of the Chairman of the Metropolitan Board of Works. This land was vested formerly in Her Majesty's Commissioners of Public Works and Buildings, as belonging to the trust for Westminster Bridge. On the 22nd May, 1868, a contract was entered into by the Commissioners, and the Hon. G. Noel and Mr. H. Whitmore (two Commissioners of the Treasury), and the Metropolitan District Railway Company, by which this land was sold to that Company for the sum of £50,525, and vested in them as their property absolutely, with one qualification. That contract was scheduled to an Act of Parliament passed in 1868, and was thereby confirmed. The qualification is, that the Commissioners, or the First Commissioner-I forget exactly which shall be at liberty, or shall be required, to exercise the right of approving of the elevation of any building which might be constructed on that land; but the contract equally assumes that the Company, having paid such a large sum for the land, is entitled to prescribe the plan on which the building shall be erected, namely as I understand it-the area which it shall cover. The elevation was submitted to me some time ago of the building proposed to be erected. It was extremely lofty, and appeared to me to eclipse the Houses of Parliament by its imposing nature. The question then arose as to the nature and extent of my powers. The Company insisted that my

powers were nominal, and were confined the front of the elevation; so that, if I to the right of criticizing the beauty of did not think it beautiful enough, I might prescribe that more ornaments should be introduced. I objected to that view of my powers in the matter. The architect insisted that I should come down and contemplate the beauty of his design, as he felt sure that if I did so I should be satisfied with it. Well, I came down, and I argued the matter with the architect, and I believe I succeeded in convincing him that, as a mere question of architecture, he had better withdraw the plan for the reasons which I stated. That being so, I believe that those who are interested in the matter have undertaken to revise the elevation in point of height, and probably, also, in point of decoration; but I rather eschew for myself the function of regulating the decoration of the building. I thought the "elevation" also meant the height of a building; and that what I had to do was to see that the building did not eclipse the Houses of Parliament. will venture to say this much-that I will consent to no building being erected which would be higher than the Houses of Parliament. The legal advisers of the Company deny that I have the right to do so much; but I have told them I shall be happy to facilitate their going into a Court of Law to try that point if necessary. I believe that the owners of the property in question have proposed a new elevation, and when I have received the designs I shall give them the best consideration in my power. Further than that I am afraid I have no authority to interfere. I need hardly say that I have received no instructions from the Government to re-purchase the land.

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