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IS.

Art. 16. Considerations on the American Stamp-act, and on the Con

duet of the Minister who planned it. 8vo. Nicoll. The right of Great Britain to tax her colonies internally, is not here enquired into. The Author thinks it pity that ever such a question hould have been itarted. He seems to admit the right, in speculation; but he thinks it ought to be seldoin or never exercised; in which case, he says, our parliament may safely affert it, and the American aflema blies will not deny is : but the point he chiefly infitts upon, is the inex. pediency, injustice, and absurdity of the Stamp.act. Having endeavoured to prove this, and belowed some chaltisement on Mr. G. G-, as the contriver and promoter of the art, he proceeds to ftate the bad effects that, in his opinion, will result from our attempting to enforce this 24, amounting (if we are fuccefitul in employing force) to no less than the ruin of the colonies, and the destruction of our trade with them: while, on the other hand, a bare suspension only of the act may serve to bring marters about, in an amicable way; but an entire repeal is what he would recommend, as the only means to reconcile che colonies to their mother country, and to restore peace, plenty, and cordiality to every part of the British empire. Art. 17. Considerations on the Propriety of imposing Taxes in the

British Colonies, for the Purpose of raising a Revenue, by A&t of Parliament. 8vo. Is. 6. North-America printed; London re-printed, for Almon.

This is a more strenuous champion for the colonies, than the preceding Considerer. He denies the parliament's right of taxing the colonists, internally; and he enters pretty deeply into the argument. The zeal of this patriotic North-American sometimes carries him rather too far in his reflections on the mother country ; but we think such warmth the more excusable, as it may be an indication of the Writer's honelly, whatever may be faid of his prudence. In his preface he sensibly apologizes for • the plainness, fimplicity, and freedom of his manner; and, indeed, we think with him, that a decent firmness, in a good cause, is to be preferred to a softer and more delicate ityle, which sometimes may serve only to enervate the argument, fit want of urging it with its full force. On the whole, there are many important conliderations in this tract; which, therefore, must be ranked among the most material of those pieces which have appeared in behalf of our American brethren. Art. 18. Confideratiors on the Points lately brought into Question, as

to the Parliament's Right of taxing the Colonies, and of the Meufures necessary to be taken at this Crisis

. Being an Appendix, Section III. to The Administration of the Colonies. 8vo.

I Sa Dodsley.

In our thirtiub vol. p. 441, Seq. we gave an account of the first edi. rion of Governor Pownai's® matterly performance, entitled The Admi. niftration of the Colonies.' Since that time, we have mentioned a second

* Mr. Pownal was governor of Massachusett's Bay, &c. Riv. Jan, 1766.

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edition

edition of this work ; and now appears a third, with the addition of the Appendix, which is the subject of the present little article : the Appendix being to be had separately.

Mr. Pownal is a much ccoler and more moderate advocate for the colonies, than the laft-mentioned Confiderer. He admits the right of taxation, but strongly contends for the loyal intentions, in general, of the colonists ; (and appealing to every man of interest or business in those countries) that for an hundred years to this time, there has not been an American to whom, in the genuine feelings of his heart, the intereft, welfare, and happiness of Great Britain was not as dear as that of his own colony, having no other idea but that they were always one and the same.'' " I do not believe, adds he, that the idea of Great Britain ever heretofore arose in an American breast, without the idea of its being Home. If of late they have learned to call the British produce and manufa&tures foreign, and Britons foreigners, it is not from an Ame. rican idea they have learnt it; it is from an idea that is foreign also.' : After this general assertion, he enters on a serious discussion of the pro. pofitiors lately brought into question, whether the supreme legislature of Great Britain Mould or Mould not, agreeably to the actual present state of the British constitution, exercise the power of laying taxes on the colonies ; and whether, consistent with the rights of Englishmen, and the supposed spirit of the English constitution, the colonists can be taxed, unless by their own respective legislatures; or unless the colonies have, by their proper representatives, a share in the legislature of Great Britain ? He affirms that the reasoning which ftates these propofitions, as matters under question and doubt, never did or could arise from the principles of an American politician. The fundamental maxim, says he, of the laws of those countries is, first, That the common law of England together with such statutes or acts of parliament (the ecclefiaftical laws excepted) as were passed before the colonies had a legislature of their own, fecondly, That their own laws together with such acts of parliament as by a special clause are extended to America fince that time, are the laws of that country. The jurisdiction and power of every court established in that country ; the duty of every civil officer; the process of every transaction in law and business there, is regulated on this principle. There is not a man of business in the colonies that ever held an office who does not know this, and who hath not always acted on this principle: there never was a man that ever acquired a lead or interest in the politics of those free countries, who did not defend this principle as the palladium of their liberty, that they were to be ruled and governed only by acts of parliament, together with their own laws not contrary to the laws of Great Britain : and as a friend to the colcnies I would venture to add, that it is under this principle that every act of parliament passed since the establishment of the colonies, which re. fpeâs che general police of sbe realm, and the rights and liberties of the fubject of the realm is, withoat the intervention of their own consent by their respective legislatures or representatives, considered, and, I think I may venture to say, adopted as part of the law and constitution of those countries. It is under this principle, without the intervention of their own consent, that they may best and most safely claim all the rights and privileges of Englishmen confirmed in the bill of rights. It is under this principle that I should hope, could an American ever have need to daim tt, that they may best claim those benefits and privileges, which by the seventh of William the Third, are declared and provided to the subject in case of accusation of treason ; even though those acts {tand enacted without the intervention of their consent, without being by any special clause extended to America, otherwise than as extending by power of the supreme legislature 10 every subje&t within the realm. But should the colonifts doubt the power of the supreme legislature in these cases, I believe it never was yet doubted in that country but that when an act of parliament was by a special clause extended to America, ic had its full: force there, nor was ever yet any principle found out, by which to diftinguish the exercise of the power of parliament in making laws which respected the property, the rights, liberties, and lives of the subjectsthere, from a power to make laws for that country which should demand, by ways and means, as to that parliament seemed meet, aids by taxes towards the maintenance and support of government."

In another place he adds, (speaking of the colonists' claim of exemption from being taxed by act of parliament, fet up in consequence of the Stamp-act) : • However general this claim may have become of late ; however suddenly this wild plant, forced by an artificial fire, may have sprung up and spread itself, it is neither the natural produce nor growth of America. The colonists in their sober senses know too well the necessary powers of government; they have too well considered the relation which they, as colonists, bear to the realm of Great Britain : their truc. and real liberties and charter rights are dearer to them than that they should hazard them by grasping after shadows and phantoms. I will therefore abide by what I have laid in every part of my work, that as they understand thoroughly the necessary powers of government on one hand, and 'as they are zealous for liberty on the other, so were they by affe&tion as well as principle, ever attached to the mother-country and to the government thereof. I speak of them as I knew them, nothing aggravating, nothing extenuating. But there is no answering for the defects of a delirium. I know nothing of the spirit of those who have raised and would direct the storm in the present wild uproar in America, nor do I believe that they themselves know what {pirit they are of. Ig. norant of the conttitution of Great Britain, and of their own beft liberty as derived from it, they have milled the good people of America to difclaim the wisdom and temper of their true friends, to doubt the virtue and zeal of those good citizens who have for so many years by their fuperior abilities and real patriotism had the charge and conduct of their interests. Frantic, like madmen, they have fallen first upon those who have been hitherto near and dearest to them, and then giddy with the wild outrage they have begun, they have proceeded (I had almost faid to take up arms) against the authority of that very conftitution to which they owe the rights and privileges that they contend for.'

But notwithstanding our Author's idea of the legal subjection of the colonies to the parliamentary jurisdiâion of the mother-country, he is extremely avesse to the doctrine of compulfion; and quotes Sir Wiljam Temple's account of Spain's fatal loss of the Low Countries by having recourse to force of arms, when milder methods might have happily composed the disturbances which had broke out in thole provinces. He proposes 1o admit the Americans to a fare in the British legislature, provided they will accept of it ; of which our Author (with many others)

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appears fomewhat doubtful. Nevertheless, he thinks some mode of a cordial union with our colonies ought to be thought of; and he recommends a particular scheme of his own, for this desirable purpose, which we have not room to infert. He also proposes several other meafures and regulations which he thinks very necessary to be adopted at this crisis; but he every where expresses himself with chat modesty which is by no means inconsistent with the most extensive kæowlege ; and which is more especially becoming in every individual who offers his advice to government, on subjects of such valt importance to the com- munity. Art. 19. The Charters of the following Provinces of North-America; - viz. Virginia, Maryland, Connecticut, Rhode-Island, Pensylva

nia, Mossachusett's-Bay, and Georgia. To which is prefixed, a. faithful Narrative of the Proceedings of the North-American Colonies, in Consequence of the late Stump-act. 4to. . 25. 6d. Owen, &c.

cted from the Daily Gazetteer ;-both charters and narrative, There is no doubt of the authenticity of the former ; and the latter, bea ing copies of Gazettes, &c. carry their own evidence along with them.

IS.

Art. 20. The General Opposition of the Colonies to the Payment of

the Stamp-duty, and the Consequence of enforcing Obedience by Mi. litary Measures, impartially considered. Also a Plan for uniting them to this Kingdom, in such a Manner as to make their interest inseparable from ours, for the future. In a Letter to a Member of Parliament. 4to.

T. Payne. We have here an ingenious dissuasive from. violent measures with the colonists, on account of the Stamp-act. It is written partly in a serious, and partly in a ludicrous vein. The Author's humour is employed to ridicule ihe rafh and .crazy notion of carrying the stamp-act into execution by military force. The absurdity of such a measure, is thus pleasantly represented : I shall so far agree with the martial difpofition of those who declare for warlike measures in the first instance,--that if this kingdom should think proper to exert its full power, the united power of the colonies could not possibly withstand it. But I muft own I am not quite so valiant as to join those warlike spirits, who declare they defire but ten thousand of our regular troops, to drive all the colonies before them. True, there is no great danger in the boldest declaration, at three thousand miles distance from an enemy; but ftill a calm considerate person, who may be valiant enough also on a proper occasion, may reflect, that the number of people in our colonies amount by computation, to between two and three millions at the teaft. That a twentieth part of these may be deemed fenfible men. That one half at least of these are able bodied, and may be resolute and determined. That they may be enthufiaftically milled to imagine they fight for liberty, which is a spirit not eafily suppresled in an Englishman. I say fuppoting this calculation to be tolerably exact, he may expect to find sixty or leventy thousand able-bodied men, who may be mad enough to have determined absolutely on opposition.

This

This number of opponents, it is certain cannot well be collected into one body, and they are to be divided among the colonies; we may go in a body against any one of them we think proper; yet ftill however, as these people have a thorough knowlege of the country, and are inured to the climate, although perhaps they dare not face as in the -field, they might give us a great deal of trouble in marching after them

through woods and mountains. Befides they may probably have learned the Indian method of bush fighting, which must be very tedious, and somewhat troublesome to our regulars. The reduction of each colony would by this means be retarded; and we might possibly lose a few men by sickness, or fatigue, though not by fair fighting. And as we muft also leave a sufficient force in each, to keep them in proper obedience after we have conquered them, or we may have the same work to do over again, I should imagine that after bringing three or four of the most obstinate into a p:oper state of subjection, we should perceive our numbers somewhat diminished, and pollibly find, by that time, there had been fome small mistake in the calculation.

• It were great pity so hopeful a scheme should miscarry on account of a crifing error in calculation ; especially when any mistake, as to the

number of soldiers that may be necessary, can easily be remedied, and ..a fufficient quantity had upon very easy terms. Let us consider what a number of manufacturers are now employed in different works for the .colonies, who will then be out of all employment, and must either enlift as foldiers, or starve. Besides, there can be no want of shipping for transports, at a very easy rate; as our West-India traders will have no other business. So that with the help of fifty or fixty men of war and frigates, properly stationed along their very extensive coafts, to hinder them from any supplies, I make no doubt but in ten or twelve years at farthell, we shall either conquer their Aubborn fpirits, or extirpate them absolutely; and it is not to be presumed that any of our neighbours, during that time, will be fo rude to interrupt us in our businefs. But, as I must own myself a mere novice in these matters, I hall leave the farther discussion of them to the advocates for military measures !

The ingenious Author next applies the test of ridicule to the jargon of the lawyers, who gravely talk to us about the charters of Massachufett's Bay, Conne&ticutt, &c. conftituting those governments tenants of his Majesty's manor of Eaft Greenwich, &c. And towards the concle Sion of his letter, he proposes his plan of union; for which we refer to the pamphlet. Art. 21. The late Occurrences in North-America, and Policy of

Great Britain, considered. 8vo. 15. Almon. This Considerer likewise reminds us of the precipitate and tyrannical conduct of Spain, by which she lost the Low Countries, now the United Provinces ; but he does not plead for the colonies in the smooth and pleasant strain of the latt mentioned writer. He is very grave ; and ra: ther severe upon those hot-heads who among us seem ready to cry Ha. pock! and eager to let slip the dogs of war against our brethren and fel. low-fubje&ts in America. -As to the apprehensions of those who think that the colonies will, one day or other, be independent of Great Bria tain, the Author admits that they are not groundless. • But this, says F 3

he,

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