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crecy is maintained, both by themselves ardice of the methods in vogue amongst and the entire organization, as to the fact of their being members thereof. They depend, no doubt, in the event of discovery, upon the much exploited anti-boycott sentiment and laws recently "interpreted" (?) with a view to its development, to enforce a continuation of that patronage which, for their hostility to labor's interests, they have so justly forfeited.

The platform of the particular "association" under discussion starts out with a flourish of trumpets, declaring that it has "nothing to conceal." It appeals to the "sober judgment," "intelligence" and "patriotism" of all our people "to assist by lawful and practical means the properly constituted authorities of the State and Nation in maintaining and defending the supremacy of the law and the rights of American citizens"; "to assist all the' people of this city (St. Paul) in resisting encroachments upon their constitutional rights, to promote and encourage harmonious relations between employers and employes upon a basis of equal justice (?) to both." It then enters upon a tirade against the "boycott," the "picket," the "strike" and "all other movements arranged with a view to invade the rights of American citizens," etc., etc. The Constitution of the United States and the Declaration of Independence are then worked in for a stunt or two, and it winds up with lengthy extracts from the findings of the Anthracite Coal Strike Commission, culled therefrom, and misleadingly arranged with a view to the justification of the purposes of the "association." The fact that this bombastic document bears no signatures is but evidence of the arrant cowardice of the individuals constituting the association responsible for its publication.

It would appear as though the gentlemen responsible for the proclamation of such patriotic (?) professions would have their "platform" authenticated by signatures, but such is not the case. Not a single name is attached thereto, which fact but demonstrates that neither this so-called "Citizens Association" nor any of its individual members dare to openly endorse the arrogant and misleading fallacies contained therein. Were it not for reliable information relative to the existence of this organization and the source of the origin of its so-called "platform," the Magazine would be compelled to forego all reference to it. This, however, is not the only evidence of the cow

such institutions. As a matter of fact, every Citizens Alliance, Citizens Association and other Parry aggregation of which the writer knows anything is conducted along dark-lantern lines. They exercise every precaution to withhold from the public the names of their members, and on "initiation" nights extra care is taken to preserve absolute secrecy as to the identity of their new recruits. In this they will fail, however, and despite all their efforts exposure is sure to ensue. These gentlemen will then find that there is no anti-boycott law whereby the workingman can be compelled to patronize the retail merchants, or indirectly the wholesale merchants, who have by such affiliations demonstrated their hostility to his best interests.

While the Magazine earnestly advocates conservatism in all things, it can not regard the business man as entitled to a continuation of the workingman's patronage, who during the day grins with sycophantic complacency while he rakes in labor's hard earned dollars, and who as soon as his store is closed will hasten to join the Parry (sites) in their nocturnal conspiracies.

A Bad Doctrine.

The following interview credited to Mr. Frederick W. Job, an "Employers' Association" organizer, which appeared in the Indianapolis (Ind.) Sentinel of January 18, 1904, unfortunately reflects much of the sentiment which actuates many such organizations in their disposition towards organized labor, viz., "hate":

"In my opinion Indianapolis is making a great mistake in offering a haven for the headquarters for all the labor unions," declared Frederick W. Job, a Chicago attorney and secretary of the Chicago Employers' Association, who was in this city to address a meeting of the local organization. "I see that you now have three labor headquarters here. We are trying to get them out of Chicago, and I think we can send you some more if you want them. Up to this time Indianapolis has been very fortunate in having few strikes, but if a certain club here keeps on encouraging unions to make this their headquarters this will soon be a union hotbed, and when you have a serious strike on your hands all the time you will learn to hate the unions as we do."

If the gentlemen constituting these Employers' Associations are endowed with no better discretion than is reflected through the utterances of their representative, or organizer, Mr. Job, they would certainly profit greatly by taking lessons in prudence and diplomacy from organ ized labor. A union labor leader, and especially a labor organizer, who would be guilty of such intemperate utterances, particularly in public, would quickly find himself relegated to the rear by his organization as a menace to society. The action of the Employers' Associations relative to Mr. Job's tirade is awaited with interest. Will they endorse his declaration of "hate"?

The Baldwin Locomotive Works' Apprenticeship System.

The apprenticeship system adopted by the Baldwin Locomotive Works on January 1, 1901, has now been in operation for three years, and the report just issued covering the results obtained during that time is an interesting one. The classification of apprentices is based on age and mental training at the time of signing the indenture. Apprentices of the first class include boys 17 years old, who have had a good common school education and who bind themselves by indentures (with the consent of a parent or guardian in each case) to serve for four years to be regular at their work; to obey all orders given them by the foreman or others in authority; to recognize the supervision of the company over their conduct out of the shop as well as in it; and to attend such night schools during the first three years of their apprenticeship as will teach them, in the first year, elementary algebra and geometry; and in the remaining two years, the rudiments of mechanical drawing.

The second class indenture is similar to that of the first class, except that the apprentice must have had an advanced grammar school or high school training, including the mathematical courses usual in such schools. He must bind himself to serve for three years, and to attend night schools for the study of mechanical drawing, at least two years, unless he has already sufficiently acquired the art.

The third class indenture is in the form of an agreement made with persons 21 years old, or more, who are graduates of colleges, technical schools, or scientific institutions, having taken courses cover

ing the higher mathematics and the natural sciences, and who desire to secure instruction in practical shop work.

The indentures or agreement in each case place upon the company the obligation to teach the apprentice his art thoroughly and to furnish him abundant opportunity to acquire a practical knowledge of mechanical work. The company is also bound to retain the apprentice in service until he has completed the term provided for in the indenture or agreement, provided his services and conduct are satisfactory. In all cases the company reserves the right to dismiss the apprentice for cause.

The rates of pay in the different classes are as follows:

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In addition to the rates mentioned above, apprentices of the first class each receive an additional sum of $125, and apprentices of the second class an additional sum of $100, at the expiration of their full terms of apprenticeship respectively.

During the time which the system has been in operation there have been indentured 545 apprentices, divided into 352 of the first class, 124 of the second class, and 69 of the third class. Of this number, 153, or about 28 per cent., have been discharged for reasons other than the expiration of the terms of their apprenticeship.

The total number of apprentices carried on the rolls at the close of the year 1903 was 379. Of these 345 were machinists, 5 were blacksmiths, 5 were brass-finishers, 10 were molders, 12 were patternmakers, 1 was a boilermaker, and 1 a sheet-iron worker. Of these, 232 were first class, 99 were second class, and 48 were third class apprentices. In addition to the indentured apprentices, there are 23 special apprentices, largely from foreign countries, namely, one from Finland, one from Costa Rica, two from San Domingo, five from Cuba, one from Spain, four from Japan, three from Porto Rico, and one from Mexico.

The number of apprentices indentured during 1903 was 165, of which 156 were indentured to the machinist's trade, 6 to

the trade of patternmaking, 1 to brass finishing, 1 to molding, and 1 to boilermaking. Of these 97 are first class, 40 second class, and 28 third class apprentices. Sixty-one apprentices have been discharged during the year, and 13 have

tices to the trades of blacksmith or boilermaker, and such applications as have been received have been from those not of eligible age.-Railroad Gazette.

completed their terms of apprenticeship. The Colorado Mining Trouble.

The following statement gives the percentage of apprentices discharged from the inauguration of the system to the end of the year 1903:

During the first half year-Jan. 1 to
June 30, 1901-

Indentured, 66 Discharged,

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Conditions have prevailed for seven months past, and still exist, in the Cripple Creek district of Colorado, the toleration of which justifies serious apprehension on the part of American citizens as to the perpetuation of their constitutionally guaranteed rights and liberties when certain interests demand that same be ignored. The present situation has emanated from differences prevailing between the mine owners and the miners of Cripple Creek as to conditions of employment. A reign of terror has been established by the State military authorities, acting by order of the Governor. It would appear from authentic information that the idea of maintaining peace or the dignity of the State has been entirely lost sight of by the State troops and their officers, and that the only object they have in view is to destroy the miners' union, and carry out to the most outrageous limit the de

During the fifth half year-Jan. 1 to sires of the mine owners, as though they June 30, 1903—

Indentured, 364

Discharged, 29

Percentage discharged, 8.0

were employed exclusively by the latter. In fact, it is openly charged and generally believed that the mine owners and certain commercial interests sympathiz

During the sixth half year-July 1 to ing with them are supplying the funds Dec. 31, 1903

Indentured, 424

Discharged, 32

Percentage discharged, 7.5

Two apprentices of the first class completed their terms during 1903. Both are exceptionally good hands, and at the expiration of their time were employed as machinists. Eleven apprentices of the third class completed their terms during the year 1903, of whom six had been promoted to places of responsibility, and five employed as machinists. During the year 1904, 15 first class, 31 second class, and 19 third class apprentices will complete their terms of apprenticeship.

The attendance of apprentices at night school during the period from January 5 to February 25, 1903, was 63 per cent.; while at the commencement of the present school year, October 19, 1903, there were enrolled at night school 82 per cent. of all the first and second class apprentices.

During the year very few applications were received for employment as appren

necessary to keep the State militia in the field.

The following resolutions adopted by the mass convention of organized labor of Colorado, held under the auspices of the Colorado State Federation of Labor on January 11, 12, 13 and 14, 1904, will convey a general idea as to what the labor organizations of that State have to contend with, but it is only through the enumeration of individual acts of military vandalism that a correct idea can be assigned as to the real state of affairs:

DENVER, COLORADO, Jan. 13, 1904. Resolutions from Committee on Resolutions-Whereas, Organized labor in the State of Colorado is fighting a deathless battle for the right to organize and live; and

Whereas, The Chief Executive and the State administration have conspired and entered in collusion with the Mine Owners' Association, the Smelting Trust, the Colorado Fuel and Iron Company and the commercial allies known as the Citizens' Alliance, in defeating the political man

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The Coal Trust-"Hold him tight, Frosty. These are cold days and we need the money"

(From Chicago (Ill.) Examiner)

courts, to invade the sanctity of homes, to arrest without warrant or process of law and incarcerate in a prison, known as a military "bull pen," men who have committed no crime save to clasp hands under the banner of unionism; and

Whereas, The Governor of this State has declared martial law in Teller and San Miguel counties, and with the power of armed might deported law-abiding citi

whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light

and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer while evils are sufferable than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government and to provide new guards for their future security;" and

Whereas, Free speech has been strangled, the press muzzled and the writ of habeas corpus suspended by military imperialism, backed by bristling bayonets; and

Whereas, The presence of an armed soldiery in Teller and San Miguel counties was for the sole use and benefit of the Mine Owners' Association in their warfare against organized labor, and not to preserve law and order, as neither were being violated; now, therefore, be it

Resolved, That the delegates and representatives of organized labor, in convention assembled, condemn and denounce the assaults of the State administration upon the rights and liberties of citizenship, by trampling under the iron heel of military despotism every principle of the organic law of the State.

Resolved, That we demand the immediate withdrawal of the troops, so that law and order may again prevail in Teller and San Miguel counties.

Resolved, That we are unalterably opposed to placing upon the shoulders of the taxpayers the expense incurred by the State militia while quartered in the strike regions during the years 1903 and 1904.

Resolved, That when the reign of military anarchy is at an end in this State, we urge the membership of organized labor throughout Colorado to come to the aid of the martyrs of "bull pen" imprisonment, so that the wrongs and outrages from which they have suffered may be righted in the courts.

Resolved, That we commend and admire the gallant and unflinching battle of the Western Federation of Miners and the United Mine Workers of America, who have bared their breasts to corporate power, and who are now forcing greed to hoist the white flag.

Resolved, That we urge the membership of organized labor to establish cooperative stores wherever possible, in order that unionism may successfully measure steel with that band of brigands and

pirates who have registered their names upon the roll of the Citizens' Alliance.

Resolved, That we call upon the membership of organized labor in every city, town and hamlet, and every liberty-loving citizen of the State, to march to the polls in November, 1904, and bury the present administration so deep beneath an avalanche of ballots that a million blasts from Gabriel's trumpet will not be able to awaken it from political oblivion. Signed,

F. W. HYNES.
JAS. T. SMITH.
CHAS. DELOCHTE.
JOHN OLIVER.
J. R. HERMAN.
A. S. LEWIS.
P. J. DEVAULT.
WM. MCALLISTER.
W. D. HAYWOOD.

MRS. ADA B. HANNAH.
M. E. WHITE.

F. E. MCCAFFERTY.
JOHN M. O'NEILL.

Governor Peabody, who has declared martial law in the Cripple Creek district of Colorado, was a banker for many years prior to his election to the governorship. Judging from a letter he has written to a prominent member of our organization, it would appear that he does not regard workingmen who organize for the protection of their interests, or who do not yield gently to any condition their employers may see fit to impose upon them, as being entitled to any constitutional rights whatever.

When the union miners were being driven from their homes and out of their county on the trumped up charge of vagrancy because they refused to work in the mines under the mine owners' conditions, one of our members wrote a letter to Governor Peabody pleading for fair treatment for the miners and suggesting arbitration. In reply he (Governor Peabody) first disavows any intention whatever of assailing the interests of the laboring man or of organized labor (so does Parry). He then dwells on the necessity for suppressing crime, and states that he can not believe that the laboring classes will extol the actions of the "agitator," "walking delegate" and "irresponsible, self-constituted" representative of any class of laboring men. He then concludes by hoping that our brother will look at the situation in an equally fair light, and assures him that any lawful endeavor devised to aid the laboring man in the upbuilding of what he (Governor

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