line of their duty. A printed proclamation was circulated through all the Piedmontese garrisons, with a rapidity which should have taught the Government that the friends of liberty were numerous and active.

The Neapolitan Parliament having preserved the Spanish Constitution with scarce any alteration, and having indignantly rejected the overtures of the King, which were founded on the principles of the French Charter, the Piedmontese Liberals rallied in great numbers around a constitution which five millions of Italians had sworn to support, and which the Emperor of Austria had sworn to detroy. They would have considered themselves as wanting in their first duty to their country if, from an obstinate attachment to political theories, they had presented to that country the spectacle of Italian Liberals divided among themselves, at a time when unity was the only means of salvation.

There were, however, among the Liberal party those who did not renounce the hope of establishing a more monarchical constitution in Piedmont, up to the moment that the news reached Turin of the Austrians having crossed the Po. It then became the duty of all to unite under one banner. All those in whose bosoms the love of country reigned paramount, all those who could not endure to remain inactive at a moment which was to decide the great question of national independence, met together, and became friends. Never were oaths less necessary to insure fidelity amongst persons acting in confederacy.

Two parties of Liberals, indeed, refused to enter the same ranks. The first of these parties considered that the oath of the soldier was an obstacle to the indestructible duty of the citizen; they shut their eyes, lest they should see that the honor of the Sovereign in this instance required a great resolution on the part of the army. There are extraordinary circumstances of which we cannot form a judgment but at a certain distance of time, and a man must place himself at that point either by the force of his genius, or of an imagination inflamed with the love of his country. The House of Savoy was about to run the risk, either of obtaining immortal glory together with a great accession of power, or of falling under

Those who have written on our revolution, have affected to repeat that the Piedmontese Noblesse were drawn into it from the alluremeut of an hereditary peerage. This vulgar accusation bears falsity on the face of it, since all those members of the Noblesse who took an active part in the revolution had joined the party that espoused the Spanish constitution, Some persons, as I have observed, only gave up the English parliamentary system owing to the force of circumstances; but it was precisely those whose position in society must have prevented their aspiring to the peerage-the Count Santa Rosa for instance, who was neither of high birth nor possessed the fortune requisite for that dignity.

an indirect subjection to Austrom which she would never find means to set herself free. 1 unfortunately happened that the Court of Turin, deceived or frightened, adopted the latter course. We should have caused it to change its purpose, in order to save it in spite of itself: the case was one requiring more than ordinary fidelity, it was the sacrifice of feudal distinctions at the shrine of genuine honor.

Others again of the Liberals argued, that though duty to our country might authorise the undertaking, yet reason could not. "It is rash," said they," and affords no hope of success."

I trust I shall be able successfully to combat this last objection. Having proved that the internal situation of the country justified our designs, it remains for me to show that those designs, though bold, were not rash.

I will begin by observing that an enterprise ought to be attempt ed with even the slightest chances of success, when much must be lost by remaining inactive. Now it is evident that if Piedmont quietly suffered Naples to be overwhelmed by Austria, the House of Savoy would lose all its influence in Italy, and leave itself completely at the mercy of the Emperor.

Success, I admit, depended principally on an event that was to happen, and which was altogether beyond our control-the resistance of the Neapolitans to Austria. I will not speak of victories; it would scarcely have been reasonable to expect them. But was it extravagant to imagine that a regular army of 50,000 men, supported by 60,000 trained militia, would have resisted the Austrians for some months, and fought some bloody battles, instead of taking to instant flight?

Every thing depended on this. The Piedmontese could have entered Lombardy in eight days after the Revolution with from 20,000 to 25,000 men, followed shortly by the rest of the army, which might easily have been raised to 70,000 by the adjunction of some battalions of national guards. Lombardy was defended by a very small number of Austrians. We should have been in time to take up a position on the Adige, and to invest Mantua, before the arrival of a fresh Imperial army. Ye people of Romagna, of Parma, of Modena, intrepid Brescians, men of Salo and Verona, and you, Milanese, who formerly sent forth powerful armies! is it then to be believed that, on beholding an army of Piedmontese advance amongst you, whilst the Neapolitans bravely defended their soil, you would not have taken up arms? I shall point out by what misfortunes every thing turned against us, and how the chances of a successful resistance were wrested from us.

The occurrence of the 12th January 1821, though foreign to

the Piedmontese revolution, may be regarded as its forerunner. It moreover exposed to view the struggle of the two parties at the head of affairs, and showed which was the strongest ; though the King was a stranger to it, from his benevolence.

The students of Turin had created much disturbance at the theatre of Angennes : it was but the turbulence of youth, which it would have been easy to restrain. On the night of the 11th January some of them decked themselves in red caps-an article of dress not uncommon in the provinces adjoining Lombardy, and having no sort of connexion with the events of 1793. The police take the alarm, and the young simpletons are arrested; their comrades surround them, and try to set them at liberty; but the police proves strongest, and they are carried off.

The matter should have rested here: there was nothing to be done but to enforce the existing laws. The University enjoyed privileges, of which, however, only a part of the students could avail themselves: yet several of those who had been taken up, were legally entitled to them. The police thought fit to give éclat to an incident, which was not of a nature to demand it. Absolute governments have all a kind of fondness for punishing without trial, or before trial, and they think they discover in a prison the secret of most things. On the 12th the students arrested the over-night were conducted to two different state-prisons, at a distance from the capital, and a point was made of passing them through Turin with the parade of a numerous escort. Their comrades become incensed; they claim their privileges, and the respect due to their tutelary laws. The Professors endeavour to appease them; but they could not deny the justice or legality of their complaints. In the afternoon the piazzas of the Rue du Pô are seen filled with students. A detachment of Carbineers keeps within the College its numerous pensioners, all young people under 25 years, who might otherwise have given a serious turn to the affair. A second detachment appears in the Rue du Pô, and is saluted with hootings. The Carbineers pass without taking the least notice. This conduct on the part of the public force deceived these hasty young men, who fancied that the government feared them. They take possession of the University, unpave the great Court, intrench themselves in the gateway with benches, and declare they will not separate till they have obtained the liberty of their comrades. Count Balba, the home minister, who was also head of the University, endeavoured to recall the students to reason. He went amongst them; they applauded, but demanded justice of him. He used the language of a fond though strict father; but they insisted on the liberation of the students: the tone of this demand became alarming. Count Balba promised nothing, neither

did any thing that fell from him announce the intention of employing force; and it is certain that these young men had no idea that their complaints would be answered by the sabre; they were even told they should have an answer in two hours. A quarter of an hour had elapsed, and the answer was brought by four companies of grenadiers.

The principle of severity got the better. But it will be seen presently, whether the authors of this determination had no other motive than to restore order, or whether they were desirous of intimidating public opinion by a cruel lesson. It is but justice to say that Count Balba was in no way to blame. He had recourse only to mild measures, and would have been placed in an unpleasant predicament by the event, if his reputation for probity had not placed him even beyond the reach of suspicion.

I must observe, that the number of these students did not exceed 200 or 300: they had, it is true, arrived at the highest degree of presumption (exaltation). They walked about under the piazzas like madmen, exclaiming: "We demand our comrades, and we will have them, cost us what it may." They wrung their hands, embraced each other, swearing to live and die together; but, amidst all this folly, no cry of revolt was set up amongst them. The word Constitution was never named by them. They were mere children, aggravated by injustice.

The grenadiers arrive at seven o'clock at night; they were commanded by the Chevalier Ignace Thaon de Revel, Count of Pratolongo, governor of Turin. Several officers belonging to different regiments, and some of the body-guard, followed the Governor by an impulse that might have been termed zeal, if the conduct of the greater part of them had not stamped it with a very different character. Count Castelborgo, commandant of the province, began to harangue the students, who thereupon threw several stones at the grenadiers. I confess this circumstance: but it is also true, that there was scarcely time for these young people to hear the warning to retire: for there were persons present who reflected with pain on the bloody scene which was about to take place, whilst others regarded as a mere form the words spoken by the Governor to the grenadiers on quitting their barracks: " Remember that they are but children." Besides, the Governor was there; and it behoved him to prove that these expressions came from the heart of this we shall be able to judge. The doors are broke open, and the unarmed students dispersed by the bayonet. Some stones thrown from the galleries terminate a resistance, which could not but prove fruitless. Nothing would have been easier at this time than to stop the effusion of blood, and bring every thing back to order; but this was not the object of a certain party.

The students are pursued up the staircases, into the schools, even to the Professors' chairs; and, shocking to relate, there were young men sabred in the chapel, and on the very steps of the altar! In the midst of this disgraceful carnage, it is pleasing to be able to mention some names without blushing. Colonel Ciravegna kept back his grenadiers, and, wrapped in his cloak, and favored by his tall figure, saved more than one victim. Count Cesar Balba, son of the minister, and the Chevalier Angelino Olivieri, rushed into the thick of the fray to restrain the soldiers.

Five and twenty students were carried off wounded to the hospital; many others, although wounded, contrived to escape from the carbineers, and reach their homes. It was soon ascertained that there were few of the wounded that had not received sabre cuts. Some, indeed, had been slashed, and others maimed in a shocking manner. It was not then by the bayonet that the most blood was shed! a circumstance that was repeated with horror in every company. Cries of indignation arose; and there seemed to be but one opinion. Never was public feeling more forcibly expressed, especially by the women; and the odious appellation of Sabreurs was applied to certain officers, whom I shall abstain from naming; they are in fact already too well known.

The University was not shut up; but many of the students were sent to their homes, and the remainder dispersed in several schools that were opened in different quarters of the town. Patroles of horse were continually traversing the streets of Turin.

The Government thought, or affected to think, that the 12th of January 1821 was a sort of prelude to revolution; it was no such thing. The friends of liberty were total strangers to the enterprise of these scholars, and had lamented its sad termination: but it was easy to foresee that the event would be attended with results favorable to the Liberal cause. Public opinion had proclaimed. that the popular hatred would be entailed on those soldiers who should embrue their hands in the blood of their brethren; and facts, speaking a language to which alone the common people will listen, taught them how many misfortunes may be brought on by the non-execution of the laws, and the capricious conduct of the police: but it was highly important that the great cause should not be stained by acts of individual vengeance. This was the object of our most anxious solicitude. There were some among the students whose minds were filled with wrath: they went to see their friends in the hospital, they heard their groans, they witnessed those suf

A rumour was whispered at Turin, of the death of several students, whose bodies, it was said, had been removed under cover of night, and secretly buried. I have heard some probable grounds as to this fact; but probabilities are not proofs, and I therefore give it only as a popular report.