A. D. 1809.

YEAR OF GEORGE III. 49 & 50.

King's Speech and Debates.

PARLIAMENT 2 & 3.

- Mr. Wardle's Charge against the Duke of York as Commander-in-Chief, and subsequent Proceedings. - Bill to prevent the Sale of Offices. Enquiry into corrupt Practices in the Appointment of East-India Writers; and its Results. - Bill to prevent Bribery in Elections to Parliament.

Budget.

Bill for augmenting the Militia. Retreat of the British Army to Corunna, and Death of Sir John Moore.-Campaign in Spain and Portugal. Spaniards defeated at Medellin.- Battle of Talavera. — Further Successes of the French. Rupture between Austria and France.March of Napoleon into Germany. - Battles of Abersberg and Eckmuhl. His advance to Vienna. - Sanguinary Actions on the Danube. — Insurrection against the French in the North of Germany. — Occurrences in Italy. French cross the Danube and defeat the Austrians at Wagram.— Armistice. Insurrection of the Tyrolese. -Peace between France and Austria. Revolution in Sweden, and Deposition of the King.- Peace between Sweden and the Powers in Hostility with it. - Expedition to Calabria by Sir John Stuart. Grand Expedition fitted out to the Scheldt. Flushing taken. — Disastrous Termination of the Enterprize. — Peace between England and the Porte. Cayenne surrendered. Reduction of Martinico, City of St. Domingo Senegal taken. Zante and the neighbouring Islands yielded to a British Force. - French Convoy destroyed near Rosas.— The Pope brought to Avignon, and Rome annexed to the French Empire. Divorce between Napoleon and Josephine. War renewed between Russia and Turkey.—Mr. Madison elected President of the American States. Embargo Act repealed, and Treaty signed between the Americans and the British Plenipotentiary, but disavowed in England. Changes in the Ministry. — Jubilee celebrating the 50th Year of his Majesty's Reign.

Success against a French Fleet near Rochelle. surrendered.

PARLIAMENT opened on January 19th, with a royal speech delivered by commission. It began with stating the reason which had determined his Majesty to reject certain proposals for a negotiation with the governments

of Russia and France, and which was, their requisition of his abandoning the cause of Spain as a preliminary. Receiving from the Spanish Government the strongest assurance of its perseverance in the cause of the legitimate monarchy and national independence, he was determined to continue his support to the people of Spain, so long as they should remain true to themselves. With respect to Portugal, his Majesty expressed his satisfaction with the achievements of his forces in that country, and its liberation from the French; but at the same time deeply regretted the termination of the campaign by the armistice and convention, of some of the articles of which he declared his disapprobation. He recommended to parliament the continuance of the aid to his ally the King of Sweden; and in consideration of the immense interests now at stake, he hoped they would proceed with as little delay as possible to take the most effectual measures for the augmentation of the regular army.

Of the subsequent copious debates, first respecting the usual addresses, and afterwards on motions for the thanks of parliament to the officers and troops engaged in Portugal, and for resolutions and enquiries concerning the campaigns in Portugal and Spain, it would be impracticable to convey any idea in the compass prescribed to this work, which is intended to record facts rather than words. It may, however, be mentioned, that Lord H. Petty's motion in the House of Commons for resolutions directly censuring the convention of Cintra, and attributing the causes which led to them, to the misconduct of the ministers, was defeated by no greater majority than 203 to 158; and also, that Mr. Ponsonby's motion for an enquiry into the conduct of the late campaign in Spain was negatived by 220 to 127.

Early in the session a subject was introduced into parliament which excited extraordinary interest through the nation, and for a time seemed to take place of every other topic. On January 27th Mr. Wardle, a colonel of militia, after speaking of a system of corruption which

VOL. II.

had long prevailed in the military department, directly charged the commander-in-chief, the Duke of York, with having suffered himself to be swayed by a mistress named Clarke, who had carried on a traffic in commissions. He affirmed that the following positions could be established by witnesses; that Mrs. Clarke possessed the power of military promotion; that she received pecuniary consideration; and that the commander-inchief was a partaker in the benefit arising from such consideration. He concluded with moving for the appointment of a committee to investigate the conduct of the Duke of York with regard to promotions, exchanges, &c. After various observations on the subject by dif ferent members, it was resolved that the enquiry should be made in a committee of the whole House. During the proceedings in this remarkable case, which occupied the greatest part of two months, and which drew fuller houses than were almost ever known, long and minute examinations were carried on of persons of both sexes, several of them of a description rarely seen at the bar of a legislative assembly, and whose answers (especially those of the female most concerned) often more contributed to the entertainment, than corresponded with the dignity, of that body. That Mrs. Clarke had really received sums of money for her interest in obtaining promotions and other appointments, was proved beyond all doubt; but the Duke's knowledge of her transac tions, and participation in her gains, were circumstances the proof of which depended chiefly on the credibility of Mrs. Clarke herself. The defenders of the Duke were for the most part members of the administration and crown lawyers; whereas on the other side were many of the most independent members, who were not habitual oppositionists. Very respectable testimonies, however, were given to the excellence of the Duke's general conduct in his high office; and the improvements the military system had received under his management. After much consideration on the mode of coming to a decision, three different determi nations remained for the choice of the House; one,

implying the Duke's knowledge of, and connivance at, the corrupt practices which had been proved to exist, and in consequence suggesting to his Majesty the propriety of his removal from office; another, entirely acquitting him of these charges; and a third, a kind of medium, in which, while he was exculpated from the charge of personal corruption, the prevalence of abuses, of which he could scarcely have been ignorant, was given as a reason why the command of the army could not with propriety be continued to him. The first division, on March 15th, related to the question whether the House should proceed by address or resolution, and it was carried in favour of the latter mode by 294 to 199; and this decision excluded the medium, which proposed an address. The House then divided upon Mr. Wardle's motion, which was a direct inculpation of the Duke, and it was negatived by 364 to 123. On the 17th the chancellor of the exchequer moved a resolution to the following effect: That the House having examined the evidence in the investigation of the Duke of York's conduct, and having found that personal corruption and connivance at corruption had been imputed to him, are of opinion that the imputation is wholly without foundation. This motion was carried by 278 to 196. The victory, however, was too hardly gained, and was too little supported by the concurrence of public opinion, to render it expedient for the commander-in-chief to remain in possession of his office; and his resignation was formally communicated to the House on the 20th, by the minister. A resolution was then moved by Lord Althorpe, "That his Royal Highness having resigned the command of the army, the House does not now think it necessary to proceed farther in the consideration of the evidence adduced, as far as relates to his Royal Highness;" when the word now being supposed to express the opinion of the House that the Duke should not at any future time be re-instated in his office, it was moved by the minister that the word should be left out, which was carried by 235 to 112. Thus was terminated a discussion, which, whatever be thought of

its origin, was rendered important in its progress by the great interest taken in it through the nation, and the freedom of debate with which it was conducted; and if its issue be regarded as a proof of a preponderating influence in parliament, it also gave a demonstration that the most elevated rank cannot, under the British constitution, shelter abuses from detection, or protect those concerned in them from the effects of the public displeasure.

The evidence upon the preceding enquiry having brought to light various other abuses, the chancellor of the exchequer moved for a bill to prevent the sale and brokerage of offices. He observed, that the practices lately disclosed consisted not in the sale of offices by those who had the power to give them, but in the arts of those who pretended to possess an influence over such persons; his object therefore was to make it highly penal to solicit money for procuring offices, or to circulate advertisements with that view. Leave being given, the bill was brought in, which passed into a law.

Another discovery was that of a regular and avowed traffic in East India appointments; on which account a select committee of the House of Commons was nominated to enquire into the existence of any corrupt practices in regard to the appointment of writers or cadets in the service of the East India Company; and from their report it appeared that a very great number of such places had been disposed of in an illegal manner. In the course of the examinations into this abuse, it was discovered that Lord Castlereagh had endeavoured to procure a seat in parliament for his friend Lord Clancarty, in exchange for a writership which had been given to the former when president of the board of controul. This negotiation was brought before the cognizance of the House of Commons on April 25th by Lord Archibald Hamilton, who, after stating the whole case, moved that the minutes of the evidence be read. Lord Castlereagh modestly defended himself, and left the House; after which Lord A. Hamilton moved certain