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distinguished a character as Mr. Jefferson, drew upon him an unusual proportion of business of the first magnitude. The journals of the House place him continually in the foreground of the concentrated wisdom of the nation. He was on all the committees, to whom concerns of the highest moment were entrusted; and was twice, in one month, elected chairman of Congress, during the absence, from indisposition, of the President.

He was appointed chairman of a grand committee to revise the institution of the Treasury Department, and report such alterations as they should deem proper. The business of this committee was emphatically to reduce order out of chaos. The finances of the country were in a most deplorable condition; no adequate system had been devised for meeting the constant and increasing requisitions upon the treasury; no compulsory power existing in Congress, over the States, many of them, being dissatisfied with their quotas, refused to contribute altogether, and none appeared to have the means at command for satisfying the demands made upon them. The peace and harmony of the Union were manifestly in danger. Mr. Jefferson entered upon the arduous trust, with great zeal and fidelity, and draughted an able report on the subject, in the form of a Circular Letter to the supreme Executive of the several States; which report was unanimously adopted. He likewise reported from the same committee, the draught of an ordinance for erecting the department of finance into commission, under the title of 'The Board of Treasury,' which was also adopted.

He was appointed chairman of a grand committee to prepare and report to Congress, the arrears of interest on the National Debt, with the interest and expenses of the current year; and to adjust an equitable apportionment of the whole demand, among the several States. He drew the report of the committee. It was an elab. orate performance, embracing a full and comprehensive review of the various debts of the Union, the interest due thereon, with the expenses of the current year, and exhibiting by a table annexed, an apportionment of the necessary requisitions upon the several States, for defraying the amount. The report was accepted and passed.

He was appointed chairman of a committee to devise and report a plan of government for the Western Territories. He drew the ordinance, on a principle analogous to the State governments, repor

ted it to the House, where, after going through the ordinary course, it was adopted with few alterations. He improved the occasion to testify, once more, his abhorrence of Slavery, by introducing into his plan, the following provision: "That after the year 1800 of the Christian era, there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in any of the States, otherwise than in punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted to have been personally guilty." But the clause was stricken out by Congress, as well as another, which provided that no person should be admitted a citizen, who held any hereditary title.

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He was appointed on a committee of retrenchment, to consider and report what reductions might be made in the civil list. the report of this committee, such a reduction was ordered, by suppressing unnecessary offices, and diminishing the salaries of others, as produced an annual saving to the United States, of 24,000 dollars. He was made chairman of a committee to settle the mode of locating and disposing lands in the Western Territory. He pre pared the report of the committee, which was adopted. It established the mode of locating and disposing the vacant lands of the United States, which has hitherto been pusued, with little variation.

By the Confederation, exclusive power over the regulation of commerce, even by treaty, was not given to Congress; but the right was reserved to the State legislatures, of imposing such duties on foreigners, as their own people were subjected to, and of prohibiting the exportation and importation of any species of goods, within their respective ports. The inconveniences of this arrangement were speedily felt, to an alarming degree. Great Britain had already adopted regulations destructive of our commerce with her West India islands; and unless the United States, in their federative capacity, were invested with powers competent to the protection of their commerce, by countervailing regulations, it was obvious they could never command reciprocal advantages in trade; without which their foreign commerce must decline, and eventually be annihilated. A committee was therefore appointed, of which Mr. Jefferson was a member, to institute measures for transferring the principal jurisdiction of commerce, from the States to the National tribunal. They reported resolutions recommending the Legislatures of the several States, to invest the Federal Government, for the term of fifteen years, with the power to interdict from our ports the com

inerce of any nation, with whom the United States shall not have established treaties. The report was accepted, and the resolutions passed.

All these important transactions, with many others, in which Mr. Jefferson had a leading agency, were accomplished during the winter and spring of 1784, the whole term of his second congressional service,

During the same term, he submitted a proposition, which embraced a double object-to invigorate and economize the government. The permanent session of Congress, and the flagrant remissness of the members, had begun to be a subject of uneasiness through the country; and even some of the Legislatures had recommended to them intermissions, and periodical sessions. But the government was not yet organized into separate Departments; there was no distinct Executive, nor had the Confederation made provision for a visible head of affairs, during vacations of Congress. Such a head was necessary, however, to superintend the executive business, to receive and communicate with foreign Ministers and nations, and to assemble Congress on sudden and extraordinary emergencies. Mr. Jefferson, therefore, proposed the appointment of an executive board, to consist of one member from each State, who should remain in session during the recess of Congress, under the title of Committee of the States.' The powers of this periodical substitute of Congress, were to embrace all the executive functions of the principal, which should not be specially reserved, but none of the legislative; the concurrence of nine members should be required to determine all questions, except that of adjournment from day to day; they should keep a journal of their proceedings to be laid before Congress, whom they should also be empowered to assemble, on any occurrence during the recess, in which the peace, or happiness of the United States might be involved.

The proposition was adopted, and a Committee of the States appointed. On the adjournment of Congress, in June following, they entered upon their duties, but in the course of two months, quarrelled among themselves, divided into two parties, abandoned their post, and left the government without any visible head, until the next meeting of Congress. The scheme was found to be an impracticable one, though it was the best within the authority of Congress, at that time, to adopt. And, on the whole, it was a happy

circumstance to our Republic, that the theory proved as impracticable as it did; for it developed, in a clear light, the palpable defect of the Confederation, in not having provided for a separation of the legislative, executive, and judiciary functions: and this defect, together with the want of jadequate powers in the General Government, to collect their contributions, and to regulate commerce, were the two great causes which led to the formation and adoption of our present Constitution.

Mr. Jefferson has left a brief reminiscence of his sentiments, and of an amusing interview with Dr. Franklin, on learning the sudden rupture and dispersion of the new Executive Chiefs.

"We have since seen the same thing take place, in the Directory of France; and I believe it will for ever take place in any Executive consisting of a plurality. Our plan, best, I believe, combines wisdom and practicability, by providing a plurality of councillors, but a single arbiter for ultimate decision. I was in France when we heard of this schism and separation of our Committee, and, speaking with Dr. Franklin of this singular disposition of men to quarrel, and divide into parties, he gave his sentiments, as usual, by way of apologue. He mentioned the Eddystone light-house, in the British channel, as being built on a rock, in the mid-channel, totally inaccessible in winter, from the boisterous character of that sea, in that season; that, therefore, for the two keepers employed to keep up the lights, all provisions for the winter were necessarily carried to them in autumn, as they could never be visited again till the return of the milder season; that, on the first practicable day in the spring, a boat put off to them with fresh supplies. The boatmen met at the door one of the keepers, and accosted him with a 'How goes it, friend? Very well.' 'How is your companion? I do not know.' 'Don't know?' 'Is not he here?' 'I cant tell.' 'Have not you seen him to day?' 'No.' 'When did you see him?' 'Not since last fall.' 'You have killed him? Not I, indeed.' They were about to lay hold of him, as having certainly murdered his companion; but he desired them to go up stairs and examine for themselves. They went up, and there found the other keeper. They had quarrelled, it seems, soon after being left there, had divided into two parties, assigned the cares below to one, and those above to the other, and had never spoken to, or seen, one another since.

While in Congress, at Annapolis, Mr. Jefferson received an urgent letter from General Washington, requesting his opinions on the institution of the Cincinnati, and on the conduct most proper for him to pursue in relation to it. The origin of this institution was perfectly innocent; but its anti-republican organization and

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tendency soon excited a heavy solicitude in the breasts of the more sensitive guardians of liberty, which at length broke forth in accents of loud and extensive disapprobation. The idea was suggested by General Knox, and finally matured into a regular association of all the officers of the American army, to continue during their lives, and those of their eldest male posterity, or in failure thereof, any collateral branches who might be judged worthy admission, with pcwer to incorporate, as honorary members for life, individuals of the respective States, distinguished for their patriotism and abilities. The laws of the association further provided for periodical meetings, general and particular, fixed contributions for such of the members as might be in distress, and a badge to be worn by them, and presented, by a special envoy, to the French officers who had served in the United States, who were to be invited to consider themselves as belonging to the society; at the head of which the Commander in Chief was unanimously designated to place his name.

General Washington saw with pain the uneasiness of the public mind under this institution, and appealed to Mr. Jefferson for his advice on the most eligible measures to be pursued, at the next meeting. The answer of Mr. Jefferson, as it probably decided the future destinies of this famous institution, is worthy of being preserved. It is dated Annapolis, April 16, 1784.

"I received your favor of April the 8th, by Colonel Harrison. The subject of it is interesting, and, so far as you have stood connected with it, has been matter of anxiety to me; because, whatever may be the ultimate fate of the institution of the Cincinnati, as, in its course, it draws to it some degree of disapprobation, I have wished to see you standing on ground separated from it, that the character which will be handed to future ages, of the head of our Revolution, may, in no instance, be compromitted in subordinate altercations. The subject has been at the point of my pen in every letter I have written to you, but has been still restrained by the reflection that you had among your friends more able counsellors, and, in yourself, one abler than them all. Your letter has now rendered a duty what was before a desire, and I cannot better merit your confidence than by a full and free communication of facts and sentiments, as far as they have come within my observation. When the

army was about to be disbanded, and the officers to take final leave, perhaps never again to meet, it was natural for men who had accompanied each other through so many scenes of hardship, of difficulty and danger, who, in a variety of instances, must have been rendered mutually dear by those aids and good offices, to which

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