Roman history. From that we will come down to modern history. In Greek and Latin poetry, you have read or will read at school, Virgil, Terence, Horace, Anacreon, Theocritus, Homer, Euripides, Sophocles. Read also Milton's Paradise Lost, Shakspeare, Ossian, Pope's and Swift's works, in order to form your style in your own language. In morality, read Epictetus, Xenophontis Memorabilia, Plato's Socratic dialogues, Cicero's philosophies, Antoninus, and Seneca. In order to assure a certain progress in this reading, consider what hours you have free from the school and the exercises of the school. Give about two of them every day to exercise; for health must not be sacrificed to learning. A strong body makes the mind strong. As to the species of exercise, I advise the gun. While this gives a moderate exercise to the body, it gives boldness, enterprise and independence to the mind. Games played with the ball, and others of that nature, are too violent for the body, and stamp no character on the mind. Let your gun, therefore, be the constant companion of your walks. Never think of taking a book with you. You should, therefore, not permit yourself even to think while you walk; but divert your attention by the objects surrounding you. Walking is the best possible exercise. Habituate yourself to walk very far. The Europeans value themselves on having subdued the horse to the uses of man; but I doubt whether we have not lost more than we have gained, by the use of this animal. No one has occasioned so much the degeneracy of the human body. An Indian goes on foot nearly as far in a day, for a long journey, as an enfeebled white does on his horse; and he will tire the best horses. There is no habit you will value so much as that of walking far without fatigue. I would advise you to take your exercise in the afternoon; not because it is the best time for exercise, for certainly it is not; but because it is the best time to spare from your studies; and habit will soon reconcile it to health, and render it nearly as useful as if you gave to that the more precious hours of the day. A little walk of half an hour in the morning, when you first rise, is advisable also. It shakes off sleep, and produces other good effects in the animal economy. Rise at a fixed and an early hour, and go to bed at a fixed and early hour also. Sitting up late at night is injurious to the health, and not useful to the mind. Having ascribed proper hours to exercise, divide what remain (I mean of your vacant hours) into three portions. Give the principal to History, the other two, which should be shorter, to Philosophy and Poetry. Write to me every month or two, and let me know the progress you make. Tell me in what manner you employ every hour in the day. The plan I have proposed for you is adapted to your present situation only. When that is changed, I shall propose a corresponding change of plan. You are now, I expect, learning French. You must push this; because the books which will be put into your

The object of walking is to relax the mind.

* * *

hands when you advance into Mathematics, Natural Philosophy, Natural History, &c., will be mostly French; these sciences being better treated by the French than the English writers. Our future connection with Spain renders that the most necessary of the modern languages, after the French. When you become a public man, you may have occasion for it, and the circumstance of your possessing that language may give you a preference over other candidates. I have nothing further to add for the present, but husband well your time, cherish your instructors, strive to make every body your friend; and be assured that nothing will be so pleasing, as your success, to, dear Peter, yours affectionately."

It was Mr. Jefferson's fortune to be an eye-witness of the opening scenes of that tremendous Revolution, which began so gloriously, and ended so fatally for France. The immediate and exciting. cause of this ill-fated struggle for political reformation, he ascribes to the influence of the American example, and American ideas. In his notes on that interesting event, he says:

"The American Revolution seems first to have awakened the thinking part of the French nation, in general, from the sleep of despotism into which they were sunk. The officers, too, who had been to America, were mostly young men, less shackled by habit and prejudice, and more ready to assent to the suggestions of common sense, and feeling of common rights, than others. They came back to France with new ideas and impressions. The press, notwithstanding its shackles, began to disseminate them; conversation assumed new freedoms; politics became the theme of all societies, male and female; and a very extensive and zealous party was formed, which acquired the appellation of the Patriotic party, who, sensible of the abusive government under which they lived, sighed for occasions for reforming it. This party comprehended all the honesty of the kingdom, sufficiently at leisure to think, the men of letters, the easy Bourgeois, the young nobility, partly from reflection, partly from mode; for these sentiments became matter of mode, and, as such, united most of the young women to the party."

The part sustained by Mr. Jefferson in the early stages of the French Revolution, was of a weighty and prominent character. It has not yet been incorporated into written history, but the late revelation of his cabinet to the world, will soon place it there, when it will constitute one of the most interesting features of his posthumous reputation.

Possessing the confidence and intimacy of the leading patriots, and more than all, of the Marquis de La Fayette, their head and

Atlas, he was consulted by them, at every step, on all measures of importance; and the prudence and prophetic wisdom of his counsels, which were implicitly followed while they could have the benefit of them, retarded the moment of convulsion and civil war, until after his withdrawal from the scene of action. Being from a country which had successfully passed through a similar struggle, his acquaintance was eagerly sought by them, and his opinions carried with them an authority almost oracular. In attempting the redress of present grievances, he recommended a mild and gradual reformation of abuses, one after another, at suitable intervals, so as not to revolt the conciliatory dispositions of the King; and in providing against their recurrence in future, by remodeling the principles of the government, he recommended cautious approaches to republicanism, to give time for the growth of public opinion, and work a peaceable regeneration of the political system, by slow and successive improvements, through a series of years. The interest which he felt in the passing revolution, and his anxiety for the final result, were inconceivably great. He considered a successful reformation of government in France, as insuring a general reformation through Europe, and the resurrection to a new life of their people, now ground to dust by the oppressions of the constituted powers. He went daily from Paris to Versailles, to attend the debates of the States General, and continued there generally, until the hour of adjournment. This Assembly had been convened, as a mediatorial power between the government and the nation; and it was well understood, that the King would now concede, 1, Freedom of the person by habeas corpus; 2, Freedom of conscience; 3, Freedom of the press; 4, Trial by jury; 5, A representative legislature; 6, Annual meetings; 7, The origination of laws; 8, The exclusive right of taxation and appropriation; and 9, The responsibility of ministers. Mr. Jefferson urged, most strenuously, an immediate compromise, upon the basis of these concessions; and their instant adjournment for a year. They came from the very heart of the King, who had not a wish but for the good of the nation; and these improvements, if accepted and carried into effect, he had no doubt would be maintained during the present reign, which would be long enough for them to take some root in the constitution, and be consolidated by time and the attachment of the nation. The following letter, addressed to one of the leaders

of the States General, conveys his advice, in an emphatic manner, accompanied by a Charter of Rights, prepared by himself on the basis of the King's propositions:

"After you quitted us yesterday evening, we continued our conversation (Monsieur de la Fayette, Mr. Short, and myself) on the subject of the difficulties which environ you. The desirable object being to secure the good which the King has offered, and to avoid the ill which seems to threaten, an idea was suggested, which appearing to make an impression on Monsieur de La Fayette, I was encouraged to pursue it on my return to Paris, to put it into form, and now to send it to you and him. Is is this; that the King, in a seance royale, should come forward with a Charter of Rights in his hand, to be signed by himself and by every member of the three orders. This charter to contain the five great points which the Resultat of December offered on the part of the King; the abolition of pecuniary privileges offered by the privileged orders, and the adoption of the national debt, and a grant of the sum of money asked from the nation. This last will be a cheap price for the preceding articles; and let the same act declare your immediate separation till the next anniversary meeting. You will carry back to your constituents more good than ever was effected before without violence, and you will stop exactly at the point where violence would otherwise begin. Time will be gained, the public mind will continue to ripen and to be informed, a basis of support may be prepared with the people themselves, and expedients occur for gaining still something further at your next meeting, and for stopping again at the point of force. I have ventured to send yourself and Monsieur de La Fayette a sketch of my ideas of what this act might contain, without endangering any dispute. But it is offered merely as a canvass for you to work on, if it be fit to work on at all. I know too little of the subject, and you know too much of it, to justify me in offering any thing but a hint. I have done it, too, in a hurry: insomuch, that since committing it to writing, it occurs to me that the fifth article may give alarm; that it is in a good degree included in the fourth, and is, therefore, useless. But after all, what excuse can I make, Sir, for this presumption. I have none but an unmeasurable love for your nation, and a painful anxiety lest despotism, after an unaccepted offer to bind its own hands, should seize you again with tenfold fury."

The Charter of Rights accompanying the above letter was a judicious compromise between republicanism and monarchy. It was to have been signed by the King, and every member of the Assembly, individually, in his presence. The rights which it contemplated, embraced the ultimate point, in the opinion of Mr. Jefferson, to which the patriots could go in safety, without producing

violence; and with the possession of these powers, he most eagerly and eloquently contended they could obtain, in future, whatever might be further necessary to improve their constitution, and perfect their freedom and happiness. "They thought otherwise, however," says he, "and events have proved their lamentable error. For, after thirty years of war, foreign and domestic, the loss of millions of lives, the prostration of private happiness, and the foreign subjugation of their own country for a time, they have obtained no more, nor even that securely. They were unconscious of (for who could foresee?) the melancholy sequel of their well-meant perseverance; that their physical force would be usurped by a first tyrant to trample on the independence, and even the existence, of other nations; that this would afford a fatal example for the atrocious conspiracy of Kings against their people; would generate their unholy and homicide alliance to make common cause among themselves, and to crush, by the power of the whole, the efforts of any part, to moderate their abuses and oppressions."

In the evening of August 4th, on motion of the Viscount de Noailles, brother-in-law of La Fayette, the Assembly abolished all titles of rank, all the abusive privileges of feudalism, the tythes and casuals of the clergy, all provincial privileges, and, in fine, the feudal regimen generally. Many days were employed in putting into the form of laws, the numerous revocations of abuses; after which, they proceeded to the preliminary work of a Declaration of Rights. An instrument of this kind had been prepared by Mr. Jefferson and La Fayette, and submitted to the Assembly by the latter, on the 11th of July; but the sudden occurrence of acts of violence, had suspended all proceedings upon it. There being much concord of opinion on the elements of this instrument, it was liberally framed, and passed with a very general approbation. They then appointed a committee to prepare a projet of a Constitution; at the head of which was the archbishop of Bordeaux. From him, in the name of the committee, Mr. Jefferson received a letter, requesting him to attend and assist at their deliberations. But he excused himself, on the obvious considerations, that his mission was to the King, as Chief Magistrate of the nation, that his duties were limited to the concerns of his own country, and forbade his intermeddling with the internal transactions of France, where he had been received under a specific character only.