single instance; and on a late occasion, [the British treaty,] when all the world seemed to be writing, besides a rigid adherence to my own rule, I can say with truth, that not a line for the press was ever communicated to me, by any other, except a single petition referred for my correction; which I did not correct, however, though the contrary, as I have heard, was said in a public place, by one person through error, through malice by another. I learn that this last has thought it worth his while to try to sow tares between you and me, by representing me as still engaged in the bustle of politics, and in turbulence and intrigue against the government. I never believed for a moment that this could make any impression on you, or that your knowledge of me would not overweigh the slander of an intriguer, dirtily employed in sifting the conversations of my table, where alone he could hear of me; and seeking to atone for his sins against you by sins against another, who had never done him any other injury than that of declining his confidences. Political conversations I really dislike, and therefore avoid where I can without affectation. But when urged by others, I have never conceived that having been in public life requires me to belie my sentiments, or even to conceal them. When I am led by conversation to express them, I do it with the same independence here, which I have practised every where, and which is inseparable from my nature."

Early in the year 1795, the two great parties of the nation became firmly arrayed against each other, on the question of providing a successor to General Washington. The withdrawal from the scene of competition, of the only man in the United States who united the choice of all parties, created the first occasion of a disputed election to the Presidency. Mr. Adams was taken up by the monarchical federalists, and by the aristocratical party generally, who, by the patronage of the government, by the duperies which they practised, and the 'terrorism with which they surrounded themselves,' drove all the moderate federalists, and many honest republicans into their ranks. Mr. Jefferson was undividedly designated as the republican candidate. His name was brought forward without concert or approbation on his part, and, indeed, in opposition to his express wishes. In answer to a letter from Mr. Madison, on the subject, in April, '95, he communicated his dispositions frankly and decidedly. After expressing the first wish of his heart, which was to see his correspondent himself at the head of the government, as the fittest person in the United States for that office, he says;

"For as to myself, the subject had been thoroughly weighed and decided on, and my retirement from office had been meant from all office, high or low, without exception. I can say, too, with truth,

that the subject had not been presented to my mind by any vanity of my own. I know myself and my fellow citizens too well to have ever thought of it. But the idea was forced upon me by continual insinuations in the public papers, while I was in office. As all these came from a hostile quarter, I knew that their object was to poison the public mind as to my motives, when they were not able to charge me with facts. But the idea being once presented to me, my own quiet required that I should face it and examine it. I did so thoroughly, and had no difficulty to see that every reason which had determined me to retire from the office I then held, operated more strongly against that which was insinuated to be my object. I decided then on those general grounds which could alone he present to my mind at that time, that is to say, reputation, tranquillity, labor; for as to public duty, it could not be a topic of consideration in my case. If these general considerations were sufficient to ground a firm resolution never to permit myself to think of the office, or be thought of for it, the special ones, which have supervened on my retirement, still more insuperably bar the door to it. My health is entirely broken down within the last eight months: my age requires that I should place my affairs in a clear state; these are sound if taken care of, but capable of considerable dangers if longer neglected; and above all things, the delights I feel in the society of my family, and in the agricultural pursuits in which I am so eagerly engaged. The little spice of ambition which I had in my younger days, has long since evaporated, and I set still less store by a posthumous than present name. In stating to you the heads of reasons which have produced may determination, I do not mean an opening for future discussion, or that I may be reasoned out of it. The question is for ever closed with me; my sole object is to avail myself of the first opening ever given me from a friendly quarter (and I could not with decency do it before) of preventing any division or loss of votes, which might be fatal to the republican interest."

There can be no doubt that these were the real sentiments of Mr. Jefferson. Writing to a bosom friend, with whom he was in habits of unlimited trust and counsel, he could have no possible motive to dissemble, but every rational one to avoid it. They were too analogous, also, to the whole tenor of his previous declarations, and to all his attachments to philosophy, agriculture and domestic retirement, not to preclude every suspicion of their sincerity.

The contest was conducted with great asperity. In fierceness and turbulence of character, in the temper and dispositions of the respective parties, and in the principles which were put in issue, the contest so strongly resembled those, of which the present generation

have been frequent eye-witnesses and actors, as to render a description unnecessary. The issue is well known. The struggle of the people against the party in power, and who have abused that power to the strengthening of their own hands, is always an unequal one; and was lost, on the present occasion, by the transcendent popularity of the existing incumbent, which was dexterously made a stalking horse by the 'monocrats' for carrying their candidate into the succession. The majority, however, was too inconsiderable to make it a triumph. On counting the electoral votes in February, 1797, it appeared there were seventy-one for Mr. Adams, and sixty-eight for Mr. Jefferson. But the difference was still less between the real vote, which was 70 to 69; for one of the Pennsylvania* electors was excluded, in consequence of some informality, and one who was not an elector, was admitted. Had the same rigor of construction been observed, in other cases of irregularity, the result of the election, in all probability, would have been reversed. The validity of the Vermont election was a subject of long and reasonable doubt, on the ground of informality. But Mr. Jefferson would not permit his friends to raise a question on it before the House. In a letter to Mr. Madison, dated January 16, 1797, about a month before the electoral votes were counted, he wrote: "I observe doubts are still expressed as to the validity of the Vermont election. Surely, in so great a casc, substance, and not form, should prevail. I cannot suppose that the Vermont constitution has been strict in requiring particular forms of expressing the legislative will. As far as my disclaimer may have any effect, I pray you to declare it on every occasion, foreseen or not foreseen by me, in favor of the choice of the people substantially expressed, and to prevent the phenomenon of a pseudo-President at so early a day."

A similar instance of magnanimity towards his competitor, was manifested by Mr. Jefferson on another occasion during the election. At one time, it was pretty generally conjectured, that the vote would be equally divided between the opposing candidates; in which event the election would have devolved on the House of Representatives, which was likewise believed to be about equally divided.

The States of Pennsylvania, North Carolina, South-Carolina, Georgia, Kentucky and Tennessee, voted for Mr. Jefferson. The New-England States, with N. York, N. Jersey and Delaware, voted for Mr. Adams. Maryland gave seven votes for Mr. Adams, and four for Mr. Jefferson.

Foreseeing the possibility of such a dilemma, he wrote to Mr. Madison, under date of December 17, 1796, authorizing and requesting him, in that event, to manifest his disclaimer in favor of Mr. Adams.

"The first wish of my heart was, that you should have been proposed for the administration of the government. On your declining it, I wish any body rather than myself: and there is nothing I so anxiously hope, as that my name may come out either second or third. These would be indifferent to me; as the last would leave me at home the whole year, and the other, two-thirds of it. I have no expectation that the Eastern States will suffer themselves to be so much outwitted, as to be made the tools for bringing in P. instead of A. I presume they will throw away their second vote. In this case, it begins to appear possible, that there may be an equal division where I had supposed the republican vote would have been considerably minor. It seems also possible, that the Representatives may be divided. This is a diffculty from which the constitution has provided no issue. It is both my duty and inclination, therefore, to relieve the embarrassment, should it happen: and in that case, I pray you, and authorize you fully, to solicit on my behalf that Mr. Adams may be preferred. He has always been my senior, from the commencement of our public life, and the expression of the public will being equal, this circumstance ought to give him the preference. And when so many motives will be operating to induce some of the members to change their vote, the addition of my wish may have some effect to preponderate the scale."

So soon as the event of the election became known, Mr. Jefferson made every exertion to re-establish harmony between himself and Mr. Adams. They had been cordial friends from the beginning of the Revolution until their return from Europe. After their reunion on this side the Atlantic, various little circumstances occurred, which produced a coldness and partial estrangement on the part of Mr. Adams. But none of these things, it appears, had affected the mind of Mr. Jefferson. The deviation of his revolutionary co-worker from that line of politics, on which they had been united, had not made him less sensible of the rectitude of his heart. He wished him, most devoutly, to know this, as well as another truth, that he was sincerely gratified at having escaped the 'late draught for the helm,' and had not a wish to which his friend presented an obstacle. That he should be convinced of these truths was important to their mutual satisfaction, and perhaps to the harmony and good conduct of the public service. Accordingly, he addressed a letter to Mr. Madison, in which he enclosed another to Mr.

Adams, stating the undiminished cordiality of his attachment, in the most affecting terms; and concluding with the sincere prayer that his administration might be filled with glory and happiness to himself, and advantage to the nation.

The following selections from his correspondence at this period, display a character, to which the world has hitherto attached little credit, in the estimates which it has put upon this extraordinary per

sonage.

To J. MADISON.-"It is difficult to obtain full credit to declarations of disinclination to honors, and most so with those who still. remain in the world. But never was there a more solid unwillingness, founded on rigorous calculation, formed in the mind of any man, short of peremptory refusal. No arguments, therefore, were necessary to reconcile me to a relinquishment of the first office, or acceptance of the second. No motive could have induced me to undertake the first, but that of putting our vessel upon her republican tack, and preventing her being driven too far to leeward of her true principles. And the second is the only office in the world about which I cannot decide in my own mind, whether I had rather have it or not have it. Pride does not enter into the estimate. For I think with the Romans of old, that the General of to-day should be a common soldier to-morrow, if necessary. But as to Mr. Adams, particularly, I could have no feelings which would revolt at being placed in a secondary station to him. I am his junior in life, I was his junior in Congress, his junior in the diplomatic line, and lately his junior in our civil government. I had written him the enclosed letter before the receipt of yours. I had intended it for some time, but had put it off, from time to time, from the discouragement of despair to make him believe me sincere. As the information by the last post does not make it necessary to change any thing in the letter, I enclose it open for your perusal, as well that you may be possessed of the true state of dispositions between us, as that if there be any circumstance which might render its delivery ineligible, you may return it to me. If Mr. Adams could be induced to administer the government on its true principles, quitting his bias for an English constitution, it would be worthy consideration whether it would not be for the public good, to come to a good understanding with him as to his future elections. He is the only sure barrier against Hamilton's getting in."

To E. RUTLEDGE.- "You have seen my name lately tacked to so much of eulogy and of abuse, that I dare say you hardly thought. it meant your old acquaintance of '76. In truth, I did not know myself under the pens either of my friends or foes. It is unfortunate for our peace, that unmerited abuse wounds, while unmerited praise