Art. 24. The Sultan; or, Love and Fame: A new Tragedy. As t is acted at the Theatre Royal in the Hay-Market. 8vo. Bell. 1770.

I s. 6 d.

The merit of this tragedy confifts, in fome degree, of fenfibility, and fome poetical imagery; its defects, in an inequality of language, which is fometimes inflated and fometimes too low; in fubftituting fentiment for paffion; in going beyond, or not approaching to nature,

Art. 25. Songs, Choruffes, &c. as they are performed in the new Entertainment of Harlequin's Jubilee, at the Theatre Royal in CoventGarden. 8vo. 6d. Griffin.

Uninteresting and unintelligible to those who do not fee the show.. POLITICAL.

Art. 26. The Crifis. In Anfwer to The Falfe Alarm. 8vo. Is. Murray.

Written to fhew (if we may ufe the harsh language of this pro duction) to what aftonishing abfurdities a blind and fervile dependence on minifterial power will betray the unhappy wretch that defends it. For the Falfe Alarm, fee our laft month's catalogue. Art. 27. A Letter to Samuel Johnson, LL. D. 8vo. 1 S. Almon.

Without hesitation or apology,' this Writer addreffes himself to Dr. Johnson as the undoubted author of the minifterial rhapfody that has been fo industriously circulated under the title of the Falfe Alarm. You have, he adds, ambitiously declared yourfelf the fpitter-forth of that effufion of fervility and bombaft; and you could not have been concealed.-Whilft the tenets it fpreads abroad might have directed us to you, as to a probable fource, the ftrain in which they are delivered marks you decifively.'-This little fpecimen will fhew the temper and spirit in which the Writer fets out; nor does he flag in the leaft, but rather rifes in afperity all the way as he advances, from the beginning to the conclufion of this most fevere epiftle.To explode the doctrines, and refute the arguments, of the Falfe Alarm, may be thought no very difficult task; and, perhaps, the atchieving that purpose was not the main object with our Letter-writer; who feems to have eagerly embraced a lucky occafion of reproaching its celebrated author, on account of his old principles,-of reviling him for his new attachments, -and ftigmatizing him for his penfion. In all thefe refpects the author of THE RAMBLER is, certainly, in a critical fituation, and a very unfortunate one, as a political avriter. Art. 28. A Letter to the Author of the Effay on the Middlesex Election; in which bis Objections to the Power of Expulfion are confidered, and the Nature of Representation in Parliament examined. By the Author of a Defence of the Proceedings of the Houfe of Commonst, &c. 4to. I S. Wilkie.

The Author of the Effay, &c. is hard preffed by this first-rate writer on the other fide of the question; whofe prefent arguments, as

See our laft volume, p. 397, and the Rev. for January, p. 59.

+ Ibid.

well

well as thofe contained in the Defence, &c. deferve the ferious atten tion of every one who impartially wishes to hear what is urged by the most able advocates on each fide, in this very important contelt.

The Writer's view, in this letter, as he has well explained himfelf, in the laft paragraph, is Not to object against a more precife and determinate rule for the exercife of the power of expulfion by pofitive ftatute, if fuch rule be thought as well practicable as neceffary by those who are alone the conftitutional judges of this matter? at the fame time, however, he declares it his own private opinion, that this is not practicable in all inftances, nor neceffary in any. I mean only, he adds, to vindicate the general power, as it now ftands, from the charge of ufurpation; to point out its origin, its object, and its authority; to fhew its perfect innocence at least, if not its utility, and even neceflity; and to defend the late exercise of it against that aftonishing abufe which has been thrown upon it. I have done this according to my beft abilities, and from the best lights I could procure; and, if I know myfelf, without the minuteft bias upon my mind.'-He concludes in the following candid and liberal terms. Our conteft is therefore, I truft, now at an end. I feel a reluctance to contend with a perfon of your enlarged and liberal principles; principles which I am incapable of oppofing in any other view than as being totally mifapplied to the prefent queftion. Our pamphlets are before the public, who will judge more impartially of them than either you or your obedient fervant,' &c.-How different this, from the illiberal abufive ftrain of the generality of our controverfial writers!

Art. 29. Serious Reflections upon fome late important Determina tions in a certain Ajjembly. Addressed to a late Premier. 8vo. 1 S. Evans.

This Writer, in common with many others, afferts the power of expulfion in the Houfe of Commons; but contends that, as this power is constituted for the fecurity of the constituents against every tempta tion by which their delegates may be corrupted to betray their trust, fo the exercise of this power ought to be confined to that grand ob ject alone, the approbation of the electors-who (he infifts) have an unquestionable right to pass their final judgment upon their expelled member, and to re-elect him or not, as they fhall find juft caufe to determine.

Thus far, he maintains, justice and reafon have happily concurred to establish, upon principles of expediency, the right of expulfion in the H. of C, without infringing upon the more important rights of eletion. Here then, fays he, we ought to draw the line, beyond which we cannot venture one fingle ftep without infinite hazard to the conftitution:'-but, for his reafoning in fupport of this doctrine, we refer to his reflections at large.

There is another important fubject difcuffed in this pamphlet, viz. what he calls theftrange paffion in adminiftration for calling forth the military, on the most trifling occafions, in aid of the civil power.' On this fubject he makes fome judicious obfervations: the conduct of government, in this refpect, appearing to him to wear a very ⚫ pernicious

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fernicious afpect,' and to have a moft alarming tendeney. For his ftrictures on this head, alfo, we muft refer to the pamphlet itself. Art. 30. The Twelve Letters of Canana: On the Impropriety of petitioning the King to diffolve the Parliament. 8vo. 1 s. R. Davis. 1770.

Canana's letters first appeared in fome of the news-papers. The Author exults on the downfall of the petitions, and the final overthrow of the party; at the fame time highly pluming himself on his own great share in the obtaining of this mighty victory + But is he fure that he does not halloo before he is out of the wood?'

Art. 31. Oppofition no Proof of Patriotifm. With fome Advice concerning Party-Writings. 8vo. 6d. Evans.

A fmart declamation against falfe patriotism, by which the Author means the patriotism of the prefent times.

Art. 32. Reflections, moral and political, on Great Britain and her Colonies. 8vo. 1 S. Becket and Co.

This tract is divided into three parts. In the firft, the Writer enquires into the nature of civil fociety, ftates the notion of political liberty, and fhews the neceffary dependence of fociety in general, as well as of liberty in particular, upon morality. He then applies his principles to the conftitution of this country, and, in pursuance of his fyftem (for his performance is regular and fyftematic throughout) to the moral jurifdiction of the House of Commons: one branch of which is, its power of expelling fuch of its members as appear un worthy of continuing among them.-His general idea of the H. of C. is neither fingular, nor, we conceive, unjuft. He maintains that, though the counties, boroughs, &c. have the nomination of the members, yet the members, when chofen, immediately become fenators of the public, without any refpect to locality.' They may indeed, he obferves, fupport the intereft of the particular place which elected them, fo far as that intereft is confiftent with the good of the whole, but no farther.' By confidering them as fenators of the public, we may conceive them to be (in a certain degree) the repreTentatives and guardians of all British commoners, wherefoever difperfed. It is indeed to he hoped, he adds, that, fome time or other, a better mode of electoin may be established, to make the reprefentation more equal; bat till that happens, we must abide by the prefent regulations, and fupport the dignity and authority of the

• We fuppofe here has been a tranfpofition of the epithets, and that the Author meant to fay-alarming afpect and pernicious tendency.

+ This collection is dedicated to the King; but the Author, nevertheless, afferts his entire difintereftedness, and declares (though he acknowledges it is fcarce to be credited,' that the Writer of thefe letters was unfolicited, and remains to this hour unknown :'-What! unknown even to the King! How fhall we reconcile this with the conclufion of his dedication, in which he craves permiffion to lay the papers at his Majesty's feet, and to fubfcribe to them the humble none of the Author

6

House

House of Commons (the palladium of our liberties) though the method of forming it is not perfect.'

This is plain good fenfe, and what we suppose the wife and mo derate of all parties will fubfcribe to.

In this first part of his tract, our Author has fome just observations on the influence of riches in this country, with refpect to what are made (he thinks not very fitly) the legal qualifications for a feat in the House of Commons; alfo on the impolitic abolition of the little farms, the diminution of the number of our freeholders, and the inequity and ill confequences of the game laws, &c. and he concludes with fome ftrictures on the (fuppofed) views of many, both at home and in the colonies, who are the moft ftrenuous for a diffolution of the prefent parliament: a measure which this fenfible Writer does not by any means approve.

In his fecond part, he decides against the claim of the colonies to an exemption from parliamentary taxation, which he confiders as amounting to nothing less than a claim of independency.-Though what he offers on this head feems to be the refult of a found judg ment, and mature reflection, yet he does not deliver his opinion in a dogmatical ftrain, or affume any airs of felf-fufficiency. He fays, he has refided many years in America, and that he believes himfelf to be well acquainted with the prevailing manners and fentiments in most of the colonies, as well as with thofe of his fellow citizens at home. He admits that there are faults on each fide; and he ac knowledges that, after fo much has been already faid upon the fubject, both pro and con, it will be difficult to produce any thing new but, perhaps, he modeftly adds, it may be confidered in a different light by one who is of no party but that of the public, and who looks on every British and American fhoe-boy, or charity-child, as his fellow citizen, whofe affistance he or his pofterity may one day stand in need of.'

The Colonists, he obferves, found their arguments not on the letter of the law, but, as they fay, on the fpirit of our conflitution. They alledge that, having particular charters to hold affemblies, they owe no obedience to the British parliament, in point of taxes, because they are not reprefented there they acknowledge the King perfonally, but feem to have little regard to him as the executive power of Great Britain.'

Our Author anfwers thefe pretenfions in a manner that merits the confideration of our American fellow-fubjects; but we have not room to enter into his arguments. He concludes, that to grant the Americans an exemption from parliamentary taxation, would, befides the dishonour, in all likelihood bring on a dilemma from which we could hardly extricate ourselves. Great numbers of our common people, he thinks, in hopes of mending their fortunes, would emigrate to a country which would have fo much the advantage of their native foil, and a moft alarming degree of depopulation at home must be the confequence.-This, indeed, feems to be a circumstance not to be overlooked.-With regard to other probable ill effects of fuch a conceffion, our Author hath alfo a variety of ftriking remarks, for which we must refer to the pamphlet.

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*In

In his third part, having done with commercial confiderations, he enquires into fome very material abuses which have crept into the landed intereft; amongst which the destruction of the mall farms is again noticed, and the mifchiefs arising from the fwelling of the larger ones to an immoderate fize, are pointed out. On thefe, and on fome other points, particularly the improper footing on which the game and fish acts at prefent ftand, he has many judicious animadverfions. But we must now take leave of this very intelligent of fer-ver of the times, which we do with a fincere acknowledgement of the fatisfaction afforded us by the perusal of a tract that, in our opinion, deferves to be generally read, and seriously confidered.

Art. 33. The Fragment; or. Part of a Dialogue between that celebrated Minifier Sir Robert Walpole and a late Mr of the B

-L

4to, 6d, Evans, 1770...

In this dialogue of the dead, the modern fyftem of ftate corruption, in this country, is traced from its fource under Sir Robert's adminiftration to its prefent alarming height, by which, it is faid, we are reduced to fo low a degree of depravity, as hath at length alienated all private affection from the public; that we riot, without fenfe of fhame, in the fpoils of our miserable country; and that our minds are now fo wholly engroffed by the prefent, fashionable principles, of acquiring wealth by every, mode of avarice, and of difipating the fame by every means of prodigality, that little space is left for any worthier objects of our contemplation'

We are very apprehenfive that there is soo much foundation for this ftricture, if the Author means to confine it within the higher circles; but we hope there is ftill virtue enough left among thofe whom the fcurrilous advocates for administration affect to file the rabble (we mean the middle ranks of the people, whom they involve with the loweft) to fave us from the destruction which fome defponding divines, and gloomy politicians, imagine they fee advancing, with hafty ftrides, to overwhelm us.

COLONIES.

Art. 34. Audi alteram Partem; or, a Counter-Letter to the Right Hon. the E-l of H-ll-gh, his M's P & S -y of : Se for the Cs, on the late and prefent State of Affairs in the island of G-n-a. In which it is clearly demonftrated, "that the Troubles and Confufion which have fo long fubfifted in that Ifland, to the Diffraction of Government, and to the irreparable Lofs of the longSuffering Inhabitants, took their Rife, originally and folely from the arbitrary and partial Difpofition of Governor Mll; from bis total Ignorance of the British Conftitution, and the Interest of the People whom he was appointed to govern; and from his perverting or dif penfing with the Laws: And that thefe Disturbances bave fince been kept up by a Continuance of the fame Caufes; by his implacable and ill-founded low Refentments; by his little and mean Preferences and Affections by bis modelling the Council to his Mind, by the introduction of bis Creatures: But, above all, by his Unwillingness or Inability to incorporate into the Legislation his My's new-acquired and well-difpofed Subjects, the Capitulasts of G-n-a, in Conformity to the gracious Intentions of our S- , and to the falutary

Measures