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private men have nothing to do with the administration of public affairs; that there are mysteries in civil government of which they are not judges; and that, instead of ever complaining, it is their duty always to yield and follow. This is the fame with faying that in every community the body of the people are only a herd of cattle, made to be led and disposed of as their owners please. Had fuch a vile principle been always acted upon, there would now have been no fuch

ways happy. If an equal and virtuous reprefentation of the people of a state makes an essential part of its legislature, this may be done eafily, and every grievance may be redressed, as foon as it appears, without disturbance or tumult; and this forms one of the distinguishing excellencies of such a conftitution of government as ours. But if through a general degeneracy, the reprefentation becomes partial and corrupt, a defpotifm may arise from fuch a form of government, which will be the very worft poffible, and under which no hope may be left, except from a calamity that shall destroy the means of corruption, and awaken to repentance.

Mr. LINGUET, in a letter to VOLTAIRE, fays of the people, that they are condemned to have only hands, and that mifchief arifes, and all is loft, the moment they are put upon thinking, Voltaire obferves in reply, that, on the contrary, all is loft when they are treated like a herd of bulls; for, in this cafe, they will ufe their horns, and fooner or later gore their owners to death. See Letter 8th and 9th in the collection of Mr. de Voltaire's original letters.-Certain it is, indeed, that much greater evils are to be dreaded from the fury of a people, ignorant and blind, than from the refiftance and jeaJoufy of a people inquifitive and enlightened,

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thing as a free government upon earth, and every human right would have been overwhelmed under an universal and savage defpotism.-It is thus, that in RELIGION, a fet of holy ufurpers have pretended that there are myfteries in religion of which the people are not judges, and into which they should not enquire; and that, for this reafon, they ought to refign to them the direction of their faith and confciences. It would be a difgrace to virtue to suppose that it requires an acquiefcence in fuch infolent claims; or that it is a part of the character of a righteous man that he is always ready to crouch to every tyrant, and never exercises his own judgment, or shews any fense of his own dignity as a rational creature and a freeman. Away with all fuch degrading and miferable fentiments. Let us remember that we are men and not cattle; that the fovereignty in every country belongs to the people; and that a righteous man is the best member of every community, and the best friend to his fpecies, by being the most irreconcileable to flavery, the moft fenfible to every encroachment on the rights of mankind, the most zealous for equal and universal liberty, and the most active in endeavouring to propagate juft fentiments of religion and government. In fhort, a virtuous man must be a firm and determined patriot. Power cannot awe him. Money cannot bribe him. He fcruples no labour or expence in fupporting any neceffary measures

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of government; but at the fame time he will refift any oppreffive measures. If he is an elector, he is fure to give an uninfluenced and honeft vote. If he is a magiftrate, he is strictly just and impartial, a terror to evil doers, and a praife to all who do well. If he is a fenator, he is uncorrupt and faithful. In every station he studies to promote the peace and profperity of his country. He poffeffes integrity to affift in directing its councils, and courage to defend its honour and to fight its battles against all enemies.

Such is a righteous man in his public capacity, or as a member of a ftate. I must go on to observe that in his private capacity he practifes every private and focial virtue. He is induftrious in his calling, upright in his dealings, and true to his engagements. He is a good husband, a good parent, a good neighbour, and a good friend, as well as a good citizen. Within the circle of his family and acquaintance, he maintains the fame regard to equity and liberty, that he does in the more extended circle of his fellow fubjects and fellow men. renders to all their dues, honour to whom honour, cuftom to whom cuftom, and always acts to others as he defires that others would act to him. He is charitable and generous, as far as his abilities reach; but he avoids all parade and oftentation; and fixes his expences below his income, that he may enjoy that happy independence which will place him above temptation. In every tranfac

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tion of commerce, his fairness may be depended on. In the execution of every truft he is exact and faithful. He fhuns all the exceffes of pleafure and voluptuousness, never fuffers his paffions to carry him beyond the bounds of chastity and temperance, and within the inclosure of his own breast, where only one eye obferves him, he is as juft, and fair, and candid, as he appears to be on the open stage of the world.

Once more. He is conscientious and diligent in the discharge of all the duties of religion. This is the crowning part of his character. It is religion gives dignity and efficacy to all our moral and public principles; nor is it poffible there should be a confiftent character of virtue without it. A virtuous man, therefore, must be a religious He worships God in private, in his family, and in public. He is governed in his whole conduct by a regard to the Deity; looks to him in all that happens; and joins conftantly with his fellow-creatures in those focial exercises of piety, which are the proper expreffions of the homage and fealty which he owes to him as the Supreme Governor and Judge.

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I will on this fubject only add, that the three particulars I have named are infeparable in a righteous character. Public virtue cannot fubfift without private; nor can public and private virtue fubfift without religion. As a truly virtuous and religious man must be a patriot, so a true patriot

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must be a virtuous and religious man. The ob ligations of righteousness are the fame in all their branches, and a righteous man cannot violate them habitually in any instance. Is it likely, that a man who is falfe to private engagements, will not be alfo falfe to public ones; or that a man, who, in his family is a tyrant, will not be likewise a tyrant as a magiftrate? Is it likely that a man, who has given up to his paffions his internal liberty, fhould be a true friend to liberty; or that a man, who will cheat his tradef men or betray his friends, will not give a wicked vote, and betray his country? Can you imagine that a spendthrift in his own concerns, will make an œconomist in managing the concerns of others; that a wild gamefter will take due care of the ftake of a kingdom; or that an unprincipled debauchee will make an upright judge or a found statesman? Can a man who fhews no regard to God his Maker, or to Chrift his Saviour; who is such an enemy to fociety as to neglect countenancing, by his example, thofe forms of worship on which the order of fociety depends; and fo void of the fundamental principles of goodness, as to be capable of being habitually atheistical in his conduct: Can, I fay, fuch a perfon poffefs any great regard for the interefts of fociety?-Let us reject all fuch abfurd imaginations. Treachery, venality and villainy must be the effects of diffipation, voluptuousness and impiety. These vices fap the

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