of affairs effected by the Treaty of Berlin, remembering that the noble duke dinned into our ears that the Treaty of Berlin was only a copy of the treaty of San Stefano.

At the time the treaty of San Stefano was signed, or immediately before it was signed, the Russian armies were at the gates of Constantinople. They occupied the greater part of the east and north of European Turkey. A vast Slav State was to stretch from the Danube to the Egean shores, extending inwards from Salonica to the mountains of Albania-a State which when formed would have crushed the Greek population, exterminated the Mussulmans, and exercised over the celebrated straits that have so long been the scene of political interest the baneful and irresistible influence of the Slavs. That was the state of affairs when the treaty of San Stefano was signed, and the British Government, with great difficulty but with equal determination, succeeded in having that treaty submitted to the consideration of the Congress-the Congress of Berlin. And what were the results of that Congress? I have placed before your lordships the main features of the settlement of San Stefano. Let me now place before your lordships what were the results of the Treaty of Berlin. In the first place the Russian armies quitted their menacing positions at the gates of Constantinople. That city, notwithstanding many promises, was not entered. The Russian armies gradually retired, and at last quitted Adrianople and all that district, and they are now evacuating Bulgaria and Roumelia in consequence of the Treaty of Berlin. Bulgaria itself by the Treaty of Berlin becomes a vassal and tributary province of the Porte. Eastern Roumelia becomes a province governed by an organic statute which secures local representation, provincial administration, civil and religious liberty, and many other conditions and arrangements which it would be wearisome now to enter into, but which some day and shortly I am sure your lordships will read with interest.

The condition of Crete was one of the most unsatisfactory, but it was met by an organic statute which has the sympathy of the whole population. Montenegro by the Treaty of Berlin got that accession of territory which really was necessary to its existence, and that access to the sea which was necessary to its pros

perity. Servia obtained independence by fulfilling the conditions. of the Congress of Berlin, that the independence of no new State should be acknowledged which did not secure principles of religious liberty in its constitution; and Roumania also would have been equally acknowledged had not difficulties arisen on that subject, which, however, will be overcome, I have reason to believe, and which certainly England, and no doubt the other signatories of the Treaty of Berlin will endeavour to overcome. Well, my lords, I think, after that, it cannot be said that the Treaty of Berlin is a mere copy of the treaty of San Stefano. I think, after that, it cannot be said that it is not one of those great instruments which in all probability will influence the life of Europe, and possibly have an even more extended influence for a considerable time. I look upon it as an instrument which has in it that principle of evolution which we hear of in other matters equally interesting. I believe it will not only effect the reforms which it has immediately in view, but that it will ultimately tend to the general welfare of mankind.

The noble duke laughs at the idea of our effecting any beneficial change in Asia Minor. Well, my lords, there is nothing difficult or great that is not laughed at in the beginning. The noble duke is not the man whom I should have thought would have discredited the attempt that is making. But nothing has been done in this way, says the noble duke. Well, in the first place, if the noble duke supposes that the regeneration of Asia Minor is to be like the occupation of Bulgaria, an affair of nine weeks, he entertains views of Oriental life and character which I venture to deny. But are there no symptoms of change, and change for the better, even in Asia Minor? I think the fact that an eminent statesman like Midhat Pasha has been recalled from exile and appointed governor of Syria-the first governor appointed for a term of years which cannot be capriciously reduced-is one on which we may congratulate ourselves, and I have reason to believe that the influence of that statesman on his government is great. We must also remember that under the Treaty of Berlin there are a variety of commissioners of demarcation

settling the boundaries of different States, and so carrying out a work of inestimable value. The noble duke has made a warlike speech. He has told Turkey that she has in us an ally on whom she cannot depend. He has told Russia that she has only to pursue her policy of aggression, and that it will be accepted by the English Government. And, as far as I can understand him, the noble duke does not treat with any disapprobation the policy of Russia in that respect.

Now, I wish to speak in another tone, but a sincere one, in regard to Russia. I think I can, as an English minister, appeal with pride on behalf of my colleagues and myself to the fact that those great results in regard to the policy which we recommended were, perhaps, not uninfluenced by the presence of a magnificent British fleet, and by the firm tone in which Her Majesty's Government communicated with St. Petersburg. Notwithstanding, I willingly acknowledge there has been on the part of Russia a spirit of wise forbearance, and I believe that she is sincerely anxious to bring about in that part of the world which has been the scene of all these disasters and distressing circumstances a state of affairs which, not only for her own sake, but for the sake of all, we should assist her in bringing about. My lords, I have trespassed on your attention, but the noble duke made so serious and so elaborate a charge upon the Government that it was impossible for me to be silent. I have not said many things I ought to have said, and I may have said some things which I ought not to have said; but this I know. The noble duke says we are a most powerful Government, but, says he, 'If you are a most powerful Government, it is only because you are powerful in Parliament.' Well, that is a state of affairs which it is very easy to parallel in the history of this country. I know that in Opposition men do indulge in dreams. I have had experience of Opposition, and I hope it has left me, it may be a wiser even if a sadder man. I know that there are mirages that rise up before the political eye which are extremely delightful and equally deceptive; and I say, knowing of what materials the Parliament of England is formed, knowing whom I address now,

and knowing who sit in the other House, where I was one of their companions, I cannot but believe that the large majorities which the noble duke has dwelt upon have been accorded to the present Government because it was believed they were a Government resolved to maintain the fame and strength of England.

219

SPEECH ON ADDRESS. January 7, 1881.

[Lord Beaconsfield here reviews the policy of the new Government in endeavouring to undo whatever their predecessors had accomplished both in Eastern Europe, in India, and in Ireland. The charge was denied by Lord Granville, who declared that at the Foreign Office the policy of the late Government was being steadily carried out.]

THE

HE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD, who was cheered on rising, said,-My lords, I wish I could feel it my duty to treat the matters before us to-night in as pleasant a manner as the two noble lords who have just addressed us have done. I agree with my noble friend and neighbour who moved the address that the times are critical, and, although I am sure that your lordships are not pessimists, and although, whatever my errors are, pessimism is not generally among the imputations made against me, I confess I have never addressed Parliament with a more deep sense of anxiety and gloom than that which the present state of affairs brings me to feel. There have been occasions in which our foreign affairs have filled us with anxiety, occasions on which our colonial position has been very critical. There have been occasions before this on which our domestic interests, influenced by Ireland, filled the nation with alarm. There have been occasions also in which events have occurred which have demanded the serious attention of Parliament, and which cannot, perhaps, be ranged under the heads I have noticed. But, my lords, I do not recollect a time in which, not only our foreign relations, not only our position in important colonies, not only the almost unparalleled state of our relations with Ireland, but the many other troubles which may require your attention this session, all at the same time have occurred and have demanded the deepest consideration, the deepest sense of responsibility, on the part of your lordships. And, my