point which I wish to advert to. It is most unfortunate that after a period of agricultural distress which has rarely been equalled—and probably its continuity has never been equalled -it is most unfortunate, I say, that at such a time the United Kingdom should have become the scene of a great party struggle, which has not been equalled for many years in the fierceness of the passions which it elicited. Those who appealed at such a time to the passions of the country felt that they were in a position of great advantage in appealing to the passions of a population that was suffering like the Irish were. The most violent orations were addressed to the Irish people, and in point of fact it was impressed upon them by very accomplished orators and by trained and skilled agitators that the sterile harvests under which they suffered were in some degree connected with the existence of the late Government. And they further sought to impress upon them that the opponents of the late Government were the only men who could bring forward measures equal to the occasion, and rescue them from the full consequences of those bad harvests. This style of oratory unfortunately brought about that which spreads like wildfire in Ireland—namely, an agitation of great fire and fierceness; and the most preposterous opinions were set afloat. Even in such circumstances I myself should not have despaired of the good sense of the country ultimately steering us through all these difficulties and dangers; but, unfortunately, the moment there springs up in Ireland any considerable agitation, the Irish people come under the influence of an organised conspiracy of foreigners, living in a foreign country, who immediately obtain the control of the circumstances of the country, and who no doubt recently placed society in the United Kingdom in considerable peril. We have had it declared recently in another place that there is very great exaggeration in the statements which have been made with regard to the state of things in Ireland, and that there is no foundation whatever for the assertion that there is a body having considerable power and resources in a foreign country that acts upon Ireland. I believe, however, that Her Majesty's Ministers are perfectly aware of the truth of that assertion, and that they have wisely acted in asking Parliament for the powers which the Bill will confer upon them. Those who have served Her Majesty in troublous times in Ireland-especially of late years-know the truth of that assertion, and of the existence of a state of things which makes it absolutely necessary that Her Majesty's Government should possess the powers asked for, to defend Her Majesty, not from her rebellious subjects, but from foreign conspirators who are constantly passing to and fro between another continent and these islands, and whose efforts are unceasing, and whose resources are vast. There are three causes which, in my opinion, have brought about the present state of affairs in Ireland, anything more distressing than which it is impossible to conceive. The moment the people of Ireland are suffering they have remedies announced to them which amount in fact to the acquisition of the property of their neighbours, and they are bid to seize that property at once. The country is no longer safe when doctrines of that kind are taught and when no man is allowed to protect his property by lawful process without peril to his life. It is when the greed for the acquisition of property attains its present dimensions in Ireland that the foreigner appears and preaches the doctrine of assassination, of confiscation, and of the explosive patriotism of dynamite. If that be the state of things in Ireland at the present moment, I cannot doubt the propriety of the course which Her Majesty's Government are now pursuing, and the wisdom of the measure which they have introduced to our notice. I can only regret that so long a time elapsed before Her Majesty's Government proposed a measure of this character to Parliament, and that such a long time has been wasted in another place in passing it before it reached your lordships' House. I am confident that your lordships in supporting this Bill are supporting a measure which will command the sympathy of all loyal subjects of Her Majesty. I believe in its efficacy, and I hope that its provisions will be tempered by moderation and by mercy. I hope, however, that the powers it confers will not be too hastily withdrawn. I am in hopes that, with the material condition of Ireland improved by Providence, which I think we have a right to count upon, with a continuance of the good harvests which have already commenced, the country will return to that condition of common sense which is absolutely necessary for good government, and that when that position is attained we may find the country flourishing and contented without being coerced. PART IV. PARTY SPEECHES AND GENERAL POLITICS. THE LABOURS OF THE SESSION BANQUET AT SLOUGH TO MEMBERS FOR BUCKINGHAMSHIRE SPEECH AT EDINBURGH ON REFORM BILL PARTIES (CRYSTAL PALACE) . EXPLANATION IN HOUSE OF COMMONS |