viable any more than his own in these arduous times. But His Majesty apprehends that his remarks may apply to many who are and have been in Government and in opposition, in and out of office, and that they apply more or less to all periods of our history. They appear to him strongly exemplified in some individuals who are taking a prominent and noisy part in the discussions in both Houses.

I have, &c.

No. 350.

H. TAYLOR.

Earl Grey to Sir H. Taylor.

Downing Street, Feb. 7, 1832.

My dear Sir Herbert, -I return Sir M. Tierney's letter. It contains, I fear, too true an account of the general state of Ireland, and certainly a very correct one of the difficulties of the Government attacked on both sides by two violent and irreconcilable parties. We must, I think, have recourse to some strong measure to check the present combined resistance, so rapidly extending itself, to the payment of tithes in Ireland. This can only be done by a new law, for nothing has been neglected for which the present state of the law gives a power, and such a measure is now under consideration.

The handbill you sent is certainly as bad in spirit and intention as possible; but I am not greatly alarmed by these paper shots, and at all events a prosecution of the printer would do nothing to check them. If we could get at the authors and contrivers of these things

it would be another matter, and some day I hope some discovery of this sort will enable us to act.

I did not think it necessary to answer the King's last letter, as I was to see His Majesty yesterday. I hope he has not suffered from the last Council and the late hour at which he returned to Brighton.

I understood from the Chancellor that he described to you yesterday our situation in the House of Lords. I wish I could take a more satisfactory view of it. I am, &c.

GREY.

No. 351.

Sir H. Taylor to Earl Grey.

(Private.) Brighton, Feb. 8, 1832. My dear Lord,-I have been favoured with your Lordship's letter of yesterday, and have submitted it to the King, who had mentioned to me that a new law had been framed, and was under consideration, to check the present combined resistance to the payment of tithes in Ireland. He is quite aware of the difficulty of checking the circulation of such handbills as I sent you.

I reported to the King what the Lord Chancellor had said to me on the situation of the Government in the House of Lords, and the difficulties and embarrassments attending it, and I need not add that His Majesty received the information with great

concern.

Yesterday afternoon I received a message from Lord Wharncliffe expressing a desire to see me, and with

the King's sanction, and the understanding that I should endeavour to bring matters to some point, and communicate the result to you, I went to him this morning. We had a very long interview, towards the close of which I proposed to him that I should commit to paper in his presence the general substance of his communication, and leave a copy with him, and that, after submitting it to the King, I should transmit the minute to your Lordship.

I now beg to enclose it, and I trust you will find it satisfactory; for you will observe that he attaches no condition as to implied modifications, &c., to the support to be given to the second reading, though of course he and his friends may anticipate the facility of carrying some in Committee.

He did not touch on this point, and I thought it most advisable to avoid all reference to it, as its introduction might have raised a question.

This communication has given the King great satisfaction, as offering a better prospect than any that has yet opened; and His Majesty would eagerly hail any arrangement, consistent with the security of the Government, that would relieve him from the dreaded and most obnoxious proposal to add to the House of Lords.

I have, &c.

H. TAYLOR.

We got home at a quarter before two, His Majesty not at all the worse.

(Enclosure.)

Minute of Conversation with Lord Wharncliffe.

Brighton, Feb. 8, 1832.

Lord Wharncliffe's sentiments have undergone no change they are still moderate and conciliatory. In the meantime the sentiments of some of those who probably would be induced to concur and co-operate with Lords Harrowby and Wharncliffe have become better ascertained; and, as the season advances, greater facilities will offer, of which they trust they shall be able to avail themselves with good effect, so as to insure the means of carrying the second reading of the Reform Bill.

Lord Wharncliffe does not disguise that the object he has in view is twofold; the one to produce a result which he considers to be, under present circumstances, the only safe way out of the difficulties in which the country is involved; the other to prevent the introduction of the fatal proposal of creating Peers, or even of adding to the number of the House of Lords for the express purpose of forcing this measure through that House. And with respect to the latter, he declares that he himself (and he is quite confident that his friends will concur with him) will, in the event of the Government bringing forward and carrying into effect such creation of Peers, or such addition to the House of Lords, convert the support which they are now disposed to give to the second reading, into the most uncompromising and bitter hostility to the Government upon the whole measure, and in every stage of it.

Lord Wharncliffe added that he was desirous of not now taking the decided step of making a declaration in his place in the House of Lords on this subject, as he fears that his doing so at this moment might rather increase the difficulties in his way than tend to remove them. But this is without reference to any unwillingness to avow the line which he is individually prepared to take.

No. 352.

Earl Grey to Sir H. Taylor.

Private.) Downing Street, Feb. 10, 1832. My dear Sir,-Constant occupation during the whole of the day prevented me from answering yesterday your letter of the 8th, enclosing a memorandum of what had passed between you and Lord Wharncliffe.

I wish I could see the latter in the satisfactory view which you appear to take of it. It seems to me to amount to no more than that Lord Wharncliffe himself, and those with whom he is immediately connected, will vote for the second reading, without any statement of the numbers on which they can rely to support them, and without any assurance, beyond that of a confident hope, of their being able to carry even that question.

But with respect to the Committee everything is left in a state of the greatest uncertainty; and you cannot but be aware that there such alterations may be made as would be no less fatal to the Bill, than its rejection on the second reading. The danger of such a result