out Denmark; the face of affairs in that His PORTUGUESE Majefty continu→ kingdom has lately changed much for ing neuter, his ports are of great fervice the advantage of the natives; and it is to the British trading ships, feveral conprobable that they reap infinitely more voys arriving from the rendevous at profit by confining themfelves wholly to Lisbon with the utmost safety: and the the interefts of their country, than any care taken for fome time past to fcour of their neighbours can ever hope for thofe feas by English men of war, has from dancing to a French fiddle. prevented the Spanish privateers from doing any great damage. An English fhip, taken within cannon-fhot of Faro, has been demanded by the King of Por tugal's Ambaffador at Madrid; but no account has yet arrived of her being reftored. SWEDEN is at prefent a very divided kingdom, being distinguished into three factions; one in the intereft of their country; one in favour of the German and Ruthian intereft, and which has given moft useafinefs to the whole ftate; another obfequious to the dictates of a certain eminent political Cardinal. After the death of Major Sinclair, affairs at Stockholm feem'd to be greatly perplexed, and the preparations on the fide of Finland have not been profecuted with much vigour. The reader may not be difpleafed, in this place, with the infcription which his Swedish Majesty has caufed to be written upon the tomb of unfortunate Sinclair, in the church of St Nicholas, in Stralfund. Here lies MaMALCOMB SINCLAIR, a good and faithful fubject of the kingdom of Sweden, bera in 1691, fon of the most worthy Ma jor-General Sinclair and Madam de Hamilton. The events of his life were very fingular and remarkable. He was prifoner of war in Siberia from the year 1709 to 1722. Being charged with a commiffion to execute fome affairs of fate, he was, an the 17th of June 1739, in an execrable manner, affaffinated near Naumbourg in Silefia. Reader, drop fome tears upon this tomb, and confider with thyself how incom prehenfible are the deftinies of poor mortals. The houfe of M. Beftuchef, the Ruffan minifter at Stockholm, has been lately violently affaulted, by a mob, who committed feveral outrages; which will probably lay the miniftry of Sweden ander confiderable difficulties. In the mean time the King has affured the faid M.Beftuchef, that no pains will be wanting to punish the authors of that infult, and to protect him from future abuse. Surely the mediating fpirit which has fo remarkably difplay'd'itself in Corfica, does not begin to operate in the fame manner any where else! The conduct of the court of MADRID is too generally known through Europe to require being here repeated. The violences of Spain have at laft roufed the warm refentment of Britain; and the Spanish politicks have lately been principally employed to glofs over her depredations and infults with a mask of candour and moderation. But truth is not to be disguised by fuch notorious daubing; and all the art exercised to vindicate the injuries done the fubjects of Britain, ferves only to prove the justice of their caufe, and the good grounds they have to expect fuccefs in a war into which they have been driven by an infolent and cruel enemy: an enemy equally regardlefs of the force of reafon and juftice, and deaf to the voice of humanity. We fee, however, that the affairs of her Spanish Majefty's children are at prefent in a flourishing condition. Naples bends to Don Carlos; a daughter of France has been given Don Philip, and Corfica is thought to be part of her dowry; Don Lewis enjoys a Cardinal's cap and the archbishoprick of Toledo: and it is very poffible that his poffeffions may be more durable than those of his bre thren, if it be true, as is reported upon no defpifable authority, that in the fpring 25,000 of the Emperor's troops will form a camp in Lombardy, and that his Sardinian Majefty feems not altogether pacifically difpofed. Sir Thomas Fitzge rald, late Plenipotentiary at London, is made one of his Catholick Majefty's council for the Indies, in reward for his extraordinary services. FRANCE remains a land of treaty ; and and it has been faid in fome of the fo I CRAFTSMAN, N° 703. no alteration in the conflitution. reign papers, that the conquers more by A Place-bill the defire of the nation, and negotiation under her prefent ministry, than fhe ever obtained by the word. 'Tis certain, however, that all preparations necessary for a war are continued, though peace is daily talked of, and the Earl of Waldegrave in frequent conference with Cardinal Fleury. It will be well if a French neutrality prove not more fatal to G. Britain than a union of his Chriftian Majesty's force with the arms of Spain: for to a nation dependent upon commerce, the lofs of trade, by its turning into fresh canals, is an injury of the most fatal confequence. The UNITED PROVINCES have lately been treated with more than ordinary refpect by the court of Madrid; and out of five fhips whereof restitution was demanded, the King of Spain has graciously ordered that two fhall be reftored: which equitable difpofition is generally attributed to the force of the British armaments. The French King declared his displeasure at their preparations to defend themselves at this time of general alarm; but has fince agreed, by a declaration from his minifter at the Hague, that he will not be difpleafed if they fhould put their dominions in a pofture of defence! There is not much room to wonder at the deliberation with which the refolutions of the States General are proceeded in a declaration for or against the crown of Spain being of the utmoft confequence, especially till France declares herself. The alliances formed by G. Britain promise all defirable fupport to his Majefty's arms: and the preparations made for the prefent war, give the greateft room to hope for fufficient recompence to the numerous injuries and infults we have fo long endeavoured to have adjusted by milder measures. Where justice and humanity call for the fword's interpofition, fuccefs may be hoped without vanity or arrogance: which gives us room to expect a favourable answer when we pray, THAT THE ARMS OF GREAT BRITAIN MAY PROSPER. Think the following position will not be controverted by any body, either in word or thought; which is, That DESTRUCTION is the fame, as to confequences, both with regard to individuals, and to ftates, let it come from what hand, or what power it will. A man is as much dead, who is kill'd by chancemedley, as he, who is kill'd by malice prepenfe; and the private stab of an acquaintance will as foon ganger, as if it had been given by a robber. -The fame obfervation holds good as to ftates; for the oppreffion is the fame, whether it is laid on by the edict of an abfolute prince, or as the badge of foreign conqueft, or by the confent of the reprefentatives of the people. How therefore can mankind guard againft all events? Muft every man wear armour? Won't poifon destroy them? Without fome confidence in one another, no commerce can be carried on; all fociety must be at an end; and, confequently, with relation to government, the people of a free ftate muft be fo jealous of their liberties, as to referve immediately to themselves the ultimate determination of all publick acts.— Such conflitutions there have been; but they have been all fubject to confufion, which hath generally ended in tyranny. To preferve order therefore in the ftate, when founded upon a true equilibrium, (which is the great barrier both to government and liberty) the people of England repofea trust, and yield a certain degree of power to a small number, for affifting in, and carrying on, in conjunction with the other branches of the legislature, the great bufinefs of the nation. And though they have an equal right to justice and liberty from the other branches, it must be imagined that they place the moft immediate confidence in their own reprefentatives, who are invefted with as high a truft as a free people can be fuppofed to delegate; no less than the prefervation of the ftate and the protection of their rights. It is therefore effential to li berty, berty, that thefe delegates fhould be fent up by the free and unpolluted votes of their principals: and I conceive it to be as high an offence against the conftituti en, for a minifter to corrupt the conftituents, or to corrupt the delegates, when fo conftituted, either by intimidating, or by giving them bribes, or places, to prevail upon a majority to act from private views against the sentiments and interefts of the people, as an actual rebellion would be in the people; for, during the continuance of fuch an undue influence, the people may as much be faid to be divefted of their fhare in the legiflature, as a prince may be faid to have loft his crown, when he is dethron'd. It may, perhaps, appear abfurd to fuppofe that an elected fenate, where there are fuch a number of conflituents, can poffibly return'd be of different fentiments from the people. But the queftion is, how small a number of conftituents may be fufficient to returna majority of the boufe of Commons? for tho' there may be fome counties, that have fixteen, or eighteen thousand voters, there are fall boroughs which return as many members, that have not half a fcore of sters.— I am not at present prepared to make an exact computation; but I fhould think that lefs than ten thousand osters might be fufficient to return a majerity. This random calculation cannot be thought fo much out of the way, when it is confidered what a number of fall boroughs there are, and that many people have votes in feveral boroughs.But however that may be, what I have faid is fufficient to shew that it is poffible for the little dependent boroughs to fend up a majority of the boufe of Commons, of different fentiments from the majority of the bale conflituents; which Bp Burnet calls the rotten part of our conftitution. The people of G. Britain are fuppofed to be upwards of ten millions; and thofe who have not any votes for reprefentatives, as well as those who have, are equally intitled to the protection of their rights, liberties and properties. So that a vote in the house of Commons may give up the happiness of ten millions of people. VOL. II. Is it not therefore highly juftifiable, is it not commendable, may it not be neceffary, for larger corporations (if they apprehend any impending, or growing danger) to inftruct, to animate their representatives, that they may add weight to their debates and counfels, by fhewing what are the general fentiments of the people? This is the only influence, which a corporation, compofed of thoufands, can have, more than one, compofed perhaps of not above the thoufandth part.-Though I think it might have been wife at firft, in forming, and afterwards in renewing the conflitution, effectually to have provided againft small boroughs, I would not be thought to propofe having the privileges of any corporation destroyed, be it ever so fmall. Taking away the temptation may, I hope, be fufficient to guard against the danger. Eight or ten men, if they can be kept uncorrupt, may think as justly as ten thoufand. Could I give names to corruption, which would carry a more horrid idea than the word itself, other words should not be wanting to paint it in the blackeft colours; and I should think my utmoft endeavours happily employ'd,could I eradicate both the vice and name from the memory of the prefent age, and the knowledge of pofterity. Let corruption come from any hand, let it appear in every fhape, and view it in all lights, nothing is more deteftable. But as a concerted scheme, fupported by many, and to be executed by confederacy, muft carry greater force, than the actions of fingle perfons; fo the corruption of voters by placemen muft threaten more danger to the state, than when it happens between private perfons.— Giddinefs and folly of youth, pride, refentment, and many other unjustifiable motives, may induce private perfons to bribe their conflituents: and tho' fuch proceedings are fufficient grounds for the honest part of a corporation to lay afide candidates dealing in fuch dirty work, and chufe fome worthy men of better morals; yet fuch a corruption, wicked as it is, may end in that corporation, and its bad influence may extend no further, -Much more dangerous to B the the state may be corruption, feconded by the arm of power.—If a feat in parliament fhould be ever look'd upon as the way to preferment, or the tenure to a place; if ever a fufficient number of voters fhould be corrupt enough to chufe a majority of placemen, because they can afford to bribe them high, without having any regard to perfonal merit, or integrity; if placemen ihould ever confederate together in fchemes of corruption; if corruption fhould ever be used as the fpring and movement of government; if ever an artful, vicious, and lavish miniftry, or minifter, fhould be able, by undue influence, to gain over a majority of the houfe of Commons, fo as to prefer his or their private intereft, or protection, to the real good of the commonwealth: I fay, if this fhould ever come to pafs, what influence would be able to ftem fuch an inundation of corruption; or where must virtue be placed, fufficient to defend and preferve our conftitution? If our own delegates fhould ever become venal enough to fell us, how can we hope that any other branch of the legislature will protect us? Have not the united dominions which now belong to the French and Spanish crowns, had their cortez, their deputies, and other elected affemblies, the very names of which are now forgot, and worn out by corruption more than by violence? At leaft, one always made way for the other. They once thought their liberties to be upon as firm a foundation as we now think cur own. Are not English men as much prone to vice as their neighbours? Nay, inftead of excelling them in virtue, do we not imitate their vices? Does virtue, economy, and wifdo fhine fo confpicuoufly in the prefent age, that Englishmen are better proof againft corruption now, than Normans, Caftilians, and other people, were in former times? Lead us not into temptation, was enjoin'd us in a prayer by HIM, who beft knew our nature. · All the temptations which worldly wealth can beftow (we cannot fay how foon, or how late) may be employ'd against the liberties of the people; and the most effectual way, that can be conceiv'd, to fecure us a gainst fuch a future evil, is to withdraw I beg to ask one general queftion; viz. Whether thofe perfons deferve beft, both of prince and people, who put the royal virtues of their Sovereign in a mild, natural,clear,and amicable light; or those who reprefent them in fuch a manner as to dazzle the eyes of their fellowfubjects, in order to prevent them from purfuing what may be thought a further, and a reasonable security to their liberties? Can a free people, ought a free people to be fupinely at eafe, though at present they may enjoy all the outward fhew, or even the real bleffings of liberty, if they apprehend that liberty to be in danger, which they think may be ftill prevented? Is not fecurity the best protection of tranquillity? Should jealoufes arife in a state, would not an unanimous concurrence to give the people full fatisfaction diffipate thofe fears? And if no jealoufies were in being, would not that meafure cement fuch an happy union? Can it ever be the interest of a people to disgust their prince, or wantonly difconcert his government; or can it ever be the intereft of a prince to have his people difcontented? But may it not be the intereft and policy of particular perfons, out of fear that fuch an eftablishment and union may prove fatal to their machinations, or lead to fome open difcovery of their pernicious and wicked fchemes, to keep prince and people at as great a distance as their hellish arts can compafs? But to return to my point. His prefent Majefty is wife, juft, and merciful; and we have an happy profpect of the fame virtues in fucceffion. But precarious must be the liberties of that people, which depend more up on it, whenever fuch minifterial confederacies amongst placemen fhall be formed. on the lives of men than their own firm bafis.-If therefore the people fee any thing amifs in the conftitution, which If the conftituents of the fmaller bo they think wants mending, can they hope for a more favourable opportunity than the prefent aufpicious reign? The three capital cities of the united kingdom have inftructed their reprefentates to use their utmost endeavours to obtain a place-bill. Many great corparations have followed their example. If the counties have not done fo too, it is because they cannot fo eafily meet as corporations can; for it is well known that the freeholders throughout the whole kingdom have fet their hearts upon it. The British nation feems to expect it; and I hope it will raife no other contention in proceeding upon it, than who fhall move it first, and render it most effectual and permanent. To fay that this is an alteration of the conftitution, is faying no more than that every publick act is an alteration, as far as the force of that act reaches. Several laws have been made, from time to time, with relation to places. Some of them were thought too rigid, and therefore have been repealed, or amended. But all thefe tranfactions fhew the danger which was apprehended from place-It hath become more general, of late years, for Gentlemen in places to get into parliament than formerly, and even perfons in inferior places, which was not then usual. — Befides, it hath been thought proper to keep on foot a very large army, for many years paft; in which there are many lucrative commiffons; for the officers upon all establishments are allowed to fit in parliament, and many more of them than in former times do actually fit there. The growing increase of these practices makes the people defirous of having fome limitations, with regard to feats in parliament, in order to prevent any minifterial influence, which may be hereafter practiled upon fach members of parliament, to the deftrution of the conftitution. This is all that the people want, and they are very fure, that if they should not be able to obtain this reasonable in times roughs fhould become mercenary, the prefent limitation, which vacates their Jeat in parliament, by accepting of a place, will be of no fecurity; for fhould venal men get themselves return'd by venal boroughs,will their conftituents diflike them the more, because they have enlarged their income? But even this small fecurity does not extend to the army; as if the falary of a military commiffion could not carry as much influence as the falary of a civil employment.-There is no doubt that initances may be given, where national honour, and zeal for the liberties of their country, have run as high in military men as in other men; and where many of them have, at various times, joined in endeavours to fupport their country against the pernicious fchemes of rapacious minifters. But I conceive that fuch a difinterested behaviour hath been more owing to the nonefty of particular perfons, than to any principles inftill'd into them by the profeffion itself. Minifters are apt to copy after their predeceffors; what hath been once thought of, may be thought of again, and poffibly put into practice, fome time or other, if not timely prevented.Lord Strafford, as to abilities, was almoft as great a man as any that hath appear'd upon the ftage of politicks. The ufe he propofed to make of military men in parliament may be feen in his letter to K. Charles I. inducing him to call a parliament in Ireland, from whence I fhall cite a paragraph by way of conclufion; for it wants no comment but itself, "I will labour to make as many captains, and officers, burgeffes, as poffibly I can; who, having immediate dependence on the crown, may almoft fway the bufinefs betwixt the two parties, which way they pleafe." Rushworth's Coll. vol. 2. p. 212. CRAFTSMAN, Jan. 5. being fo exceffive of liberty, it will be very difficult to get Mly corrupt, and becoming, as it is B 2 con |