The originals of these two declarations were handed to Dr. Troy, and afterwards to Lord Fingal, by Marquis Cornwallis, His Excellency desired they should be discreetly communicated to the Bishops and principal Catholics, but not inserted in the newspapers. They appeared, nevertheless, in the English prints soon afterwards, and were copied into the Irish papers,

Under circumstances such as these, is it surprising that the Catholics should now feel that faith has been broken with them by the Government of England? Mr. Pitt, so long ago as in Lord Westmorland's administration, had made no hesitation to say, in such a manner that his sentiments might be known to the Catholics, that he would not risk a rebellion by withholding emancipation. an 1795, he sent Lord Fitzwilliam to Ireland, to carry this measure into effect; and, in 1799, he held forth, in language not to be misunderstood, this measure, as the reward which he would give the Catholics for their support to the union. At this time he had governed England for fourteen years, he was supported by great majorities in Parliament, and he possessed the unbounded confidence of the King, and of the people. What other construction, then, could his language on the union bear among the Catholics, than that of a positive engagement on the part of England to give them emancipation, provided they gave the union, in the first instance, their support? No one can say that they formed their expectations that this measure would be conceded to them without good grounds for doing so; and there being good grounds, no correct moralist can maintain that England made no such engagement,

Having now traced the history of the penal laws and the Catholics, from the treaty of Limerick down to the union, it remains only to make a conclusion of this work, by collecting the several inferences which may be drawn from the facts contained in it.

In the first place, the Catholics have to complain of three distinct breaches of faith by the Government of England 1st. In the violation of the treaty of Limerick; 2d. In the recall of Lord Fitzwilliam; and, 3d. In the treatment which they have received since the union.

Secondly, They have to complain of having endured a greater share of insult and of oppression than it ever was the lot of any other people in any other country to be exposed to.

Thirdly, They have it in their power to repel all those charges which have been made against them for being disloyal to the House of Brunswick: 1st, By their conduct in 1715; 2dly, By their conduct in 1745; 3dly, By their conduct during the American war; and, lastly, By their conduct in 1798.

Fourthly, They have it in their power to show that their clergy have, at all times, inculcated sound doctrines of morality, of peace

and submission to the Government, and of brotherly affection for their Protestant fellow-countrymen.

Fifthly, They can prove that their religious principles have been wholly misunderstood; and that these principles are not in any degree repugnant to their duty as loyal subjects.

Sixthly, This very important inference may be drawn from what has already been stated, namely, " that for a long period of time, there has prevailed amongst the Protestants of Ireland a very general inclination to concede to the Catholics a participation with them in constitutional privileges.

And, lastly, when we consider the effects, direct and collateral, of such a penal code as has existed in Ireland, it is not too much to say, that it may be laid down as incontrovertibly proved, that to the penal code it is, England has to look as the source of all alarm she now entertains for the safety of Ireland; and to England Ireland has to look for the cause of all the misery and degradation which, at this day even, peculiarly mark her character among the nations of the world.

INDEX.

The Roman numerals refer to the vol. and the Arabic to the page.

ARMS, Catholics deprived of the use of xx, 201, 437, 447

Burke, Edmund, Letter of, to Sir H. Langrishe xx, 475

Catholics, rights secured to them by the treaty of Limerick xx, 199, 206
Laws in force against them in 1697 xx, 200

Priests, Banishment of xx, 201

Converted xx, 433

Discovery of xx, 433

Registering of xx, 434, 462

Popery, Act to prevent xx, 204

to discharge persons from penalties of xx, 436

Property xx, 204, 461, 462. xxi, 105

Penal Laws, Effect of xx, 451

Repeal of some of the xx, 463
Still in force xxi, 111

Protestant Charter Schools

Pope, Authority of xx, 444

xx,

438

Parliament, Catholics excluded from xx, 448

Petition, 1774 xx, 456

Pitt, Mr., favorable to Emancipation xx, 467

Protestants favorable to the Catholics xx, 464, 467, 475. xxi, 105, 114, 122

Presbyterians favorable to the Catholics xxi, 114

Rebellion of 1798 xxi, 123

Sheriffs, Catholics not to be xx, 434

Students of King's Inns, Catholics not to be xx, 448

admitted to be xxi, 99

Vestry, Catholics not to vote at a xx, 435

Universities, Answers of Foreign, xx, 477

Union, supported by the Catholics xxi, 128

"The Man's a Monk, and Monk-like has dreamed, to get a little moneygive him a hundred shillings, that he may not think he has been dreaming for nothing." Matthew Paris.

LONDON:

LETTER,

&c.

SIR,

I ADDRESS this letter to you, as by far the most eminent scholar whom the University of Oxford at present numbers on her lists; as one, whose name stands high with the world in general for literature and genius; and whose aid, wherever it can be serviceable, will not be refused to a fellow-laborer in the cause of Classical Education. The appeal that has been made to me, by the anonymous assailant of the Edinburgh Review, in behalf of the open Colleges of Oxford, has placed me in rather an awkward predicament. With every wish and intention to act as an upright Judge, the consciousness, that a question so important must now be finally determined by my decision, makes me shrink a little from the responsibility imposed by the appellant. I am anxious, therefore, to associate some one with me in my office of Arbiter, and I see none, whom I can invite to be my assessor on the Bench, with greater propriety than yourself.

In calling upon me as an Oxford man, and considering me as much connected with that University as with Edinburgh, the Champion of the open Colleges has exaggerated my claims to the character which he has chosen to assign to me. Except that I suppose my name to be still on the books of Christ-Church; that I shall probably graduate as a Master; and that I made the University, for upwards of 3 years, the scene of studies, which, for all the assistance I received in them, might as well have been conducted at Jerusalem; I have no title to these fraternal hugs. Such is the full extent of my connexion with Oxford, which was my temporary residence, but never my home. I carried with me