66 "and brought it up, and laid it on the table. The said petition was not very long, but there were some fifteen "thousand names set to it. It was about three-quarters "of a yard in breadth, and twenty-four yards in length." Nor did it seem that even these unusual proportions had quite satisfied its promoters; for the worthy citizen at the head of the Deputation, having liberty to address the House, informed them that they should have got before. that day many thousand hands more to it, but that they found many obstructions and much opposition from the Lord Mayor, and others. And such, said Mr. Fouke, in conclusion, was the feeling excited by these difficulties interposed, that it was God's mercy the petitioners had not come in numbers yesterday, when the Halberdiers were assembled, and when there must have been bloodshed. To which Mr. Speaker replied with gracious words, telling the citizens of London, through the worthy gentlemen then standing at their bar, that the House gave them thanks for their readiness on all occasions to comply with supplies for the public; that they would take into consideration, in due time, the particulars desired in the petition; and that they hoped to bring things to such result as would give them satisfaction. When the Deputation left, a debate arose as to the necessity for immediate provision of the supplies which had been voted for Ireland, and as to the best mode of providing such satisfaction for the people as had just been promised to the London petitioners: and again the debate pointed in the old direction, which was that of printing, and circulating through the country, their Grand Remonstrance. The course taken by the King's advisers, indeed, had so far gone in the same direction, that even some royal partizans among the members had been constrained to admit the unlawfulness of the recent attempt to put external pressure on the Houses by means of armed watches and guards. The result of the present deliberation, therefore, appears to have been a kind of silent or unopposed understanding, that the printing of the Remonstrance should be considered as soon as the bill then depending for the pressing of soldiers to serve against the Irish Rebellion should have been disposed of. But again the ill-advised monarch precipitated this determination. The bill for raising such soldiers by Impressment was under debate on the morning of Tuesday the 14th of December, when a message was unexpectedly brought in, to the effect that his Majesty desired the Commons to attend him in the Lords' house. There, in brief intemperate phrase, he adverted to the Impressment bill which they were then discussing; warned them that, in the event of its passing, he should give his consent to it only with an express saving of his prerogative; and significantly added, that he was little beholding to "him "whoever at this time began this dispute." The Commons immediately returned to their house; voted it, upon the motion of Pym, a breach of all the ancient privileges both of Lords and Commons that his Majesty should so have taken notice of a bill whilst in progress; demanded a conference with the Lords; and, before the day closed, had obtained their full co-operation in drawing up "a declaratory Protestation" of their privileges and liberties, and "a petitionary Remonstrance" against his Majesty's violation of them. Eighteen of the Lords, and double the number of the Commons, went with this Protestation to Whitehall.' 1 The petitionary Remonstrance further requires that "his Majesty "will be pleased to discover the par"ties by whose information and evil "counsel his Majesty was induced to "this breach of privilege, that so "they may receive condign punish"ment for the same." In the face of which, Clarendon nevertheless hazards the statement in his History (ii. 70-1) that the man who had advised this breach of privilege, was, of all men in the world, Mr. Solicitor St. John! As if, supposing this were so, the King, who hated no one so much, would not thereon have been eager to give him up as his adviser in so direct 1 an attack upon his own party! From the account of the matter I find in D'Ewes's Journal I am convinced, on the other hand, that the persons suspected were Culpeper and Hyde, and that the clause requiring the King to surrender the names of his ill advisers was directed specially at them. D'Ewes would have had the clause rejected, on the ground that it was 'very possible that his Majesty re"ceived his information and ill coun"sel from some third person and from no member of either house," but Pym strongly opposed this and the clause was retained. 66 66 2 D'Ewes attended, as one of the On the following morning, Wednesday the 15th of December, an unusual number of members were in attendance at an early hour in the House of Commons, and a suppressed excitement showed itself, as of some Deputation of the Commons, both on the occasion of the presenting of the Protestation, and on that of receiving the King's Answer, and his notices of both are highly curious and interesting. I quote from his manuscript Journal. "I departed with divers "others to the Court at Whitehall, being one of the select committee of "thirty-six appointed by the House "of Commons to attend his Ma"jesty there this afternoon at two "o'clock with a select committee of "eighteen of the Lords' House with "that petitionary Remonstrance. The "eighteen Lords were at Whitehall "before us, and having staid awhile "in the Privy Chamber, the Earl of "Essex, Lord Chamberlain of his "Majesty's household, came out to 66 us and told us that the King ex"pected our coming to him. Where 66 "advise,' &c. And so, making like 66 reverence at our going out as we "did at our coming in, we departed." In like manner he describes the more striking scene of receiving the King's Answer. Between the two occasions, -the reader will remember, the Commons had not only voted the printing of their Grand Remonstrance, but had issued it in print; a circumstance which may account for the increased sharpness of the King's manner. "Went to Whitehall," says D'Ewes, "to receive the King's Answer. We were admitted into the same room "again (being a fair chamber within "the privy gallery) where we had de"livered the said Petition. The King, "looking about, asked to whom he "should deliver his Answer; because "he saw not the Lord there from "whom he had received our Petition. "But it was answered his Majesty "that he, being to preach before the "Lords at the Fast on Wednesday "next, was now absent on that occa"sion. His Majesty demanded fur"ther to what other Lord in his ab66 sence it was to be delivered? It was answered, to the chief of the "Lords who were present. His Ma"jesty then calling to Sir Edward "Nicholas, lately made Secretary of "State, delivered to him his Answer "written on a sheet of paper, which "the said Sir Edward received kneel"ing, and then, standing up again, "read it, and His Majesty, after the "delivery of it to the said Earl (Bris"tol), just as we were all making reverences and departing forth, 66 passed through the midst of us with a confident and severe look, and so went into the privy gallery, where "he stood looking towards us, as we came forth and made our obeisances to him." near the King, kneeled down, and "showed his Majesty that he had a "Petition or Remonstrance from both "Houses to be presented to him. The 66 King then caused him to stand up, "and so he read the said Petition. "I stood all the while close to him 66 his left hand. on 66 After he had "read it, he kneeled again, and pre"sented it to his Majesty, being fairly 66 66 undertaking of weight in hand as yet not generally known. Then Mr. Purefoy, the member for Warwick, who afterwards sat upon the trial of the King, stood up and said, that they did now stand sorely in need of money, and he conceived that any proposition for the bringing in of money would be very seasonable and acceptable. "Whereupon," says D'Ewes, "there ensued a great silence." Mr. Purefoy then proceeded, and said, he conceived that there was but one mode of obtaining what they desired in this respect, and that was by imparting to their constituents and the people generally some ground for greater confidence than they could derive from recent and existing events. He pointed out that all men's minds were unsettled by the many slanders which had freely gone abroad, and that if, as a worthy member had said on a former occasion, it was desirable to recover and bind to that house the hearts of the people, now was the time and the opportunity. In a word, he conceived there were no readier means to bring in money than to cause their Declaration to be printed: that so they might satisfy the whole kingdom. At this there were loud cries of agreement, but upon several even of the majority the proposal fell with a surprise; and D'Ewes was one of them. "It seems," he says, "that many members were privy to "this intended motion, which I confess seemed very strange to me; for they cried Order it! Order it!" Then the Speaker rose, and, as if to show that he at any rate had been no party to the preparing of the motion, asked the member who had spoken, what Declaration he meant, for (alluding to the declaration as to breach of privilege voted the preceding day) there were two. This called up Mr. Purefoy again, who said he meant the Declaration which had been presented to the King, the great Remonstrance; and he was seconded by Mr. Peard, who had first moved the printing on the memorable night of the 22d November, and who now moved that the Petition accompanying it might also be printed: to which loud cries again responded of Order it! Order it! 66 Edmund Waller next took the lead in a desperate attempt to protract and delay the vote, which in so much was successful that it lasted far into the afternoon, but of which small record unfortunately remains, for in the midst of it D'Ewes, apparently in some dudgeon at the want of confidence in him displayed by the leaders, left the house for some time. Then, the putting of the Resolution having been fought off until daylight began to decline, the coming on of dark was made the excuse for a further attempt to prevent its being put at all. So dark it became, that the Clerk could no longer see to read; but on a proposal for bringing in candles, Sir Nicholas Slanning, the member for Penryn, made urgent representation of the propriety of adjourning the debate, reminded the House of the scene which had been witnessed when this question was before discussed in the night, and threw out warnings of some similar danger now. Against any possible recurrence of that danger, the majority was on this occasion thoroughly guarded; but if it had not been so, few were better entitled than Slanning to give the warning. Himself one of those who early and eagerly exposed and lost their lives in the war, he was also ever at the head of the young and ardent spirits of the House of Commons, with whom it was matter of chivalry to resent every encroachment on the power and pretensions of the sovereign; and Clarendon (in one of those charming character-pieces of his History which will survive to keep it still the most delightful reading in the world, long after the conviction of its untrustworthiness and bad faith shall have entered into every mind) has celebrated his youth, his small but handsome person, his lovely countenance, his admirable parts, and his courage "so clear and keen." He failed for the present, however, 1 |